International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 9 2026 60
prohibit or punish defiance (Rousselet et al., 2017).
Cults frequently utilize phobia indoctrination: “[T]
he inculcation of irrational fears to question the
authority or the leadership or doctrine as it will result
in terrifying negative consequences” (Hassan, 2017).
Third, a healthy religion allows believers to choose
their level of participation, and they may come and
go as they please, with some exceptions and cultural
constraints.1 In cults, leaving the group is perceived as
an act of ultimate betrayal often met with disapproval
and shunning (Coates, 2012). Lastly, studies have
shown that participating in a healthy religion may
promote increases in both physical and mental
health (Townsend et al., 2002) whereas cults have an
opposite effect. Importantly, some religions may be
considered unhealthy but not rise to the definition
of a cult. As highlighted above, different cults share
similar characteristics centered around unwavering
loyalty, excessive control, and high demands, leading
to harm (Langone, 2015). An unhealthy religion may
fall somewhere in between a healthy religion and a
cult if there is an absence of the aforementioned cultic
characteristics, tactics, and structure.
In sum, what differentiates a cult from a healthy religion
is the ability of the religious member to negotiate
their own experience, challenge and vary how they
participate in the religion, and, cultural constraints
aside, leave the religion without external pressure or
punitive repercussions. However, the belief structure
and even organizational structure of both cults and
religious groups are superficially the same—structured
beliefs, texts or doctrines, salvation, regular meetings,
charitable donations, and a charismatic leader who
mediates between mortal life and an afterlife of some
sort. These structural similarities may serve as a
blinder to individuals with prior religious experiences
because this familiarity may initially obscure the cult
group’s potential for abuse. Such members may be
drawn to a cult because the message offered by cults is
often similar to if not derived from familiar religions.
Accordingly, in this study we will explore if individuals
with higher levels of prior religious participation
are more susceptible to cult affiliation with cults
embodying existing religious beliefs. We propose the
following research aims:
1 In some cultures, individuals cannot leave easily, but the structure of
religion itself is standard.
1. What proportion of individuals who join a cult have
a religious background?
2. What proportion of individuals join a cult that
endorses the same religion they once adhered to or
were exposed to as children?
a) Does joining a cult that endorses the same
religion they once adhered to affect the age
of induction compared with those who joined
non-matching cults?
b) Does joining a cult that endorses the same
religion they once adhered to affect the amount
of time involved compared with those who
joined non-matching cults?
3. Does gender play a role in cult affiliation such that
men and women show similar or different patterns in
the types of cults they join?
4. What proportion of individuals identified as religious
(self-defined) or spiritual (self-defined) after leaving
their cult?
Methods
Procedure and Participants
After obtaining approval from the CUNY-UI IRB,
participants were recruited by broadcast emails sent
to online cult recovery/support groups, as well as the
utilization of snowball sampling. Data were obtained
from eligible participants who met inclusion criteria
through a telephone screening. The inclusion criteria
required participants to be 18 years old or older, have
participated in a cult for about a year or more, have left
the cult within the last 15 years, and no longer contribute
monetarily or participate in the cult’s activities. After
determining eligibility, oral informed consent was
obtained, and all personal participant information
was anonymized due to the vulnerable nature of the
participants. Participants received compensation in the
form of a $10 Amazon gift card, which was disbursed
upon completion of the interview. The interviews were
semi-structured and were conducted for 1.5–3 hours
via a phone call. Participants were interviewed via
telephone as many preferred to have no face-to-face
contact because they feared retaliation from cult leaders
prohibit or punish defiance (Rousselet et al., 2017).
Cults frequently utilize phobia indoctrination: “[T]
he inculcation of irrational fears to question the
authority or the leadership or doctrine as it will result
in terrifying negative consequences” (Hassan, 2017).
Third, a healthy religion allows believers to choose
their level of participation, and they may come and
go as they please, with some exceptions and cultural
constraints.1 In cults, leaving the group is perceived as
an act of ultimate betrayal often met with disapproval
and shunning (Coates, 2012). Lastly, studies have
shown that participating in a healthy religion may
promote increases in both physical and mental
health (Townsend et al., 2002) whereas cults have an
opposite effect. Importantly, some religions may be
considered unhealthy but not rise to the definition
of a cult. As highlighted above, different cults share
similar characteristics centered around unwavering
loyalty, excessive control, and high demands, leading
to harm (Langone, 2015). An unhealthy religion may
fall somewhere in between a healthy religion and a
cult if there is an absence of the aforementioned cultic
characteristics, tactics, and structure.
In sum, what differentiates a cult from a healthy religion
is the ability of the religious member to negotiate
their own experience, challenge and vary how they
participate in the religion, and, cultural constraints
aside, leave the religion without external pressure or
punitive repercussions. However, the belief structure
and even organizational structure of both cults and
religious groups are superficially the same—structured
beliefs, texts or doctrines, salvation, regular meetings,
charitable donations, and a charismatic leader who
mediates between mortal life and an afterlife of some
sort. These structural similarities may serve as a
blinder to individuals with prior religious experiences
because this familiarity may initially obscure the cult
group’s potential for abuse. Such members may be
drawn to a cult because the message offered by cults is
often similar to if not derived from familiar religions.
Accordingly, in this study we will explore if individuals
with higher levels of prior religious participation
are more susceptible to cult affiliation with cults
embodying existing religious beliefs. We propose the
following research aims:
1 In some cultures, individuals cannot leave easily, but the structure of
religion itself is standard.
1. What proportion of individuals who join a cult have
a religious background?
2. What proportion of individuals join a cult that
endorses the same religion they once adhered to or
were exposed to as children?
a) Does joining a cult that endorses the same
religion they once adhered to affect the age
of induction compared with those who joined
non-matching cults?
b) Does joining a cult that endorses the same
religion they once adhered to affect the amount
of time involved compared with those who
joined non-matching cults?
3. Does gender play a role in cult affiliation such that
men and women show similar or different patterns in
the types of cults they join?
4. What proportion of individuals identified as religious
(self-defined) or spiritual (self-defined) after leaving
their cult?
Methods
Procedure and Participants
After obtaining approval from the CUNY-UI IRB,
participants were recruited by broadcast emails sent
to online cult recovery/support groups, as well as the
utilization of snowball sampling. Data were obtained
from eligible participants who met inclusion criteria
through a telephone screening. The inclusion criteria
required participants to be 18 years old or older, have
participated in a cult for about a year or more, have left
the cult within the last 15 years, and no longer contribute
monetarily or participate in the cult’s activities. After
determining eligibility, oral informed consent was
obtained, and all personal participant information
was anonymized due to the vulnerable nature of the
participants. Participants received compensation in the
form of a $10 Amazon gift card, which was disbursed
upon completion of the interview. The interviews were
semi-structured and were conducted for 1.5–3 hours
via a phone call. Participants were interviewed via
telephone as many preferred to have no face-to-face
contact because they feared retaliation from cult leaders
