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Andréa Lagorse |Understanding Women’s Experiences in Cultic Groups in Québec
internal bonds. The actions of authority figures aim
to mark the separation between “them,” the outside
world, and “us,” the members of the group (Casoni,
2000). As a result, relationships with outsiders are
either tightly controlled or devalued, while ties within
the group are promoted and idealized. While women
are already controlled and humiliated daily by the
group and its leaders, separation from the outside
world deprives them of alternatives, reinforcing their
sense of powerlessness. To illustrate this point, one of
our participants told us:
While most participants described the group
environment as one of restriction and control, not
all accounts were solely negative or distant. For one
participant, the sense of control she experienced
within the group was complex and emotionally
layered. Although she later recognized the presence
of coercive dynamics, she also described the group as
her family. This feeling highlights the deep emotional
bonds and sense of belonging that can coexist with
control, making the experience of leaving even more
difficult and ambivalent. Such narratives illustrate that
emotional attachment and coercion are not mutually
exclusive, and that cultic involvement can fulfill
psychological and relational needs even as it restricts
autonomy.
For women, debt and lack of financial means can
dissuade them from leaving the group for fear of being
left with nothing and unable to live on their own,
especially as many have given up their studies or jobs to
devote themselves full-time to the community. In this
regard, Rousselet et al. (2017) report that dropping out
of school or work and significant financial expenses
are the main consequences of cultic involvement.
Several participants noted the economic exploitation
of members. This exploitation can take various forms,
such as the obligation to donate large sums of money
to the organization or to work without remuneration.
We were always the same little group. He [the
leader] encouraged us a lot to leave our friends,
to leave our families they were always people
who weren’t good for us. It was just in our
group that we were good. (Sarah)
8:30 a.m., it’s breakfast time, you’ve got to be
on time. 9 a.m., the workday starts and lasts
until midnight. It used to be until 2 a.m. After
that, it went down to midnight. So, from 9 a.m.
to midnight, you’re working. Now you’re going
to tell me you can get away during the day. No.
Because at midnight, you must send in your
schedule. You have to write down everything
you did during the day. So, if there’s a gap
between 11:30 and 11:50, they ask you, “Hey,
what did you do?” Some people write down
when they go to the toilet on their schedule.
(Jessica)
The physical control of women is very present in
the participants’ cultic groups. Leaders control their
particularly control their diet and appearance. They
seem to use coercive control tactics to subject women
to their authority and force them to obey:
In some groups, women were required to wear makeup
and provocative clothing to please the leader and
male members, while in others, makeup was strictly
prohibited and modest dress was imposed. Regardless
of the specific demands regarding appearance, the
women’s testimonies suggest that the purpose of
controlling their bodies or appearance was to consolidate
their dependence on the group and their commitment
to actualizing the group’s project. Stark (2007) points
out that the control of food and appearance is an
integral part of the micromanagement of women’s daily
lives. These practices of dietary restrictions are in line
with the comments made by the Collective of Women
(1997), who stressed that what they ate and what they
wore was controlled they were only allowed to wear
skirts or dresses, and if they put on weight, they had to
follow a strict diet.
Half of the participants I met reported having
experienced sexual assault as part of their cultic
involvement, either by the leader or by another member
of the community. As mentioned in the literature
review, sexual practices with leaders are sometimes
seen as a spiritual responsibility for women. The leaders
can assert that this is part of their role and offers them
I had to send in my weight every Monday [to
the leader]. I had to weigh myself and then send
in my weight. At one point, I was 119 [pounds],
and then he told me, “Be careful, you’re going
to go up to 120. You’re not supposed to go over
120.” (Jessica)
Andréa Lagorse |Understanding Women’s Experiences in Cultic Groups in Québec
internal bonds. The actions of authority figures aim
to mark the separation between “them,” the outside
world, and “us,” the members of the group (Casoni,
2000). As a result, relationships with outsiders are
either tightly controlled or devalued, while ties within
the group are promoted and idealized. While women
are already controlled and humiliated daily by the
group and its leaders, separation from the outside
world deprives them of alternatives, reinforcing their
sense of powerlessness. To illustrate this point, one of
our participants told us:
While most participants described the group
environment as one of restriction and control, not
all accounts were solely negative or distant. For one
participant, the sense of control she experienced
within the group was complex and emotionally
layered. Although she later recognized the presence
of coercive dynamics, she also described the group as
her family. This feeling highlights the deep emotional
bonds and sense of belonging that can coexist with
control, making the experience of leaving even more
difficult and ambivalent. Such narratives illustrate that
emotional attachment and coercion are not mutually
exclusive, and that cultic involvement can fulfill
psychological and relational needs even as it restricts
autonomy.
For women, debt and lack of financial means can
dissuade them from leaving the group for fear of being
left with nothing and unable to live on their own,
especially as many have given up their studies or jobs to
devote themselves full-time to the community. In this
regard, Rousselet et al. (2017) report that dropping out
of school or work and significant financial expenses
are the main consequences of cultic involvement.
Several participants noted the economic exploitation
of members. This exploitation can take various forms,
such as the obligation to donate large sums of money
to the organization or to work without remuneration.
We were always the same little group. He [the
leader] encouraged us a lot to leave our friends,
to leave our families they were always people
who weren’t good for us. It was just in our
group that we were good. (Sarah)
8:30 a.m., it’s breakfast time, you’ve got to be
on time. 9 a.m., the workday starts and lasts
until midnight. It used to be until 2 a.m. After
that, it went down to midnight. So, from 9 a.m.
to midnight, you’re working. Now you’re going
to tell me you can get away during the day. No.
Because at midnight, you must send in your
schedule. You have to write down everything
you did during the day. So, if there’s a gap
between 11:30 and 11:50, they ask you, “Hey,
what did you do?” Some people write down
when they go to the toilet on their schedule.
(Jessica)
The physical control of women is very present in
the participants’ cultic groups. Leaders control their
particularly control their diet and appearance. They
seem to use coercive control tactics to subject women
to their authority and force them to obey:
In some groups, women were required to wear makeup
and provocative clothing to please the leader and
male members, while in others, makeup was strictly
prohibited and modest dress was imposed. Regardless
of the specific demands regarding appearance, the
women’s testimonies suggest that the purpose of
controlling their bodies or appearance was to consolidate
their dependence on the group and their commitment
to actualizing the group’s project. Stark (2007) points
out that the control of food and appearance is an
integral part of the micromanagement of women’s daily
lives. These practices of dietary restrictions are in line
with the comments made by the Collective of Women
(1997), who stressed that what they ate and what they
wore was controlled they were only allowed to wear
skirts or dresses, and if they put on weight, they had to
follow a strict diet.
Half of the participants I met reported having
experienced sexual assault as part of their cultic
involvement, either by the leader or by another member
of the community. As mentioned in the literature
review, sexual practices with leaders are sometimes
seen as a spiritual responsibility for women. The leaders
can assert that this is part of their role and offers them
I had to send in my weight every Monday [to
the leader]. I had to weigh myself and then send
in my weight. At one point, I was 119 [pounds],
and then he told me, “Be careful, you’re going
to go up to 120. You’re not supposed to go over
120.” (Jessica)
