International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 9 2026 96
the group were associated with the development of
health problems that occurred during and after their
departure from the group. Deprived of food for several
years, one participant said she developed stomach
problems. Another one, whose sexuality was constantly
controlled, had her uterus removed without her
consent when a fibroid developed. Another woman,
fearful throughout her involvement in the group, has
wounds that she links to the stress she experienced and
has difficulty calming down now that she has left. She
described ongoing physical pain, such as stress-related
injuries and dental problems, explaining that her teeth
have even broke from clenching her jaw so tightly at
night. She also shared that her hands cramp and stiffen
during sleep, to the point where she must wear braces
to prevent further harm. She directly attributes these
problems to years of being constantly overstimulated
and exhausted by the pressure of the group. These
examples suggest that survivors can sometimes feel that
their bodies reacted to the traumas they experienced
(Rosen, 2014).
Control
As argued in the scientific literature and as confirmed
by the testimonies gathered for this research, control is
an important element of the dynamics present within
cultic groups (Hassan, 1988, 2020). This control is
exercised by leaders, who are generally male, towards
women but also by members among themselves
(Lamboley et al., 2022).
Psychological control is the aspect of control that
comes up most often in the women’s accounts. All the
women interviewed for our study mentioned having
been subjected to psychological control in various
forms to keep them captive. In fact, the leaders, above
all, control the women emotionally, not only to recruit
them but also to keep them involved in the daily life of
the group for as long as possible. The control described
by the women took various forms, such as emotional
manipulation, guilt, suppression of intimacy,
humiliation, and isolation. As a participant said:
All the burden of the world and society, all the
pain, is on my shoulders, mine, as a woman.
Not the man next to me, it’s me there. Because
I was told that women have lost the world, so
they must win it back. (Anna)
Echoing Rudin (1984), this extra burden can only be
placed on women’s shoulders, who thus feel they must
be even more diligent and submissive than men if they
are to satisfy the group’s demands.
Another participant argues that the leader’s
omnipresence drove members to confess, since he
would come to know everything:
I remember we used to say that “They know
everything.” You know, because we weren’t
indoctrinated yet. Nowadays, nobody
complains about that, but everything was
reported [to the leader]. We also constantly
had the feeling that he knew everything, so
you confessed everything. (Jessica)
Control is a gradual process, often beginning with a
honeymoon phase during which women are worshipped
and love-bombed. Then, little by little, forms of control
emerge that regulate all spheres of women’s lives. In
that context, women can also experience episodes
of humiliation in front of the whole group to set an
example. For example, one of the women was punished
for an entire year to read the Bible because she had eaten
something prohibited (food was strictly controlled for
women in her group). The leader would ask her to read
in the middle of the kitchen so everyone could see what
the punishment would be if they disobeyed. Women
seem to be particularly affected by the consequences
that such humiliation can have on their lives, their self-
esteem, and their bodies, over which they no longer
have any power or autonomy. These consequences
point to a naturalizing function of the female body, in
which it belongs to the leader and must serve to meet
his demands. Stark (2007) explains that humiliation
allows men to show their dominance by valorizing
behavior that is purely humiliating or contrary to the
woman’s moral values. This valorizing dominance
can affect a woman’s body or sexuality, forcing her to
adopt behaviors with which she is not comfortable.
Humiliation not only subjects women to male control
but also makes them vulnerable to exploitation by
others (Stark, 2007), in this case, other members of the
group.
All participants’ accounts reveal that involvement in
a cultic group is frequently accompanied by a rupture
with the outside world, alongside a reinforcement of
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Andréa Lagorse |Understanding Women’s Experiences in Cultic Groups in Québec
internal bonds. The actions of authority figures aim
to mark the separation between “them,” the outside
world, and “us,” the members of the group (Casoni,
2000). As a result, relationships with outsiders are
either tightly controlled or devalued, while ties within
the group are promoted and idealized. While women
are already controlled and humiliated daily by the
group and its leaders, separation from the outside
world deprives them of alternatives, reinforcing their
sense of powerlessness. To illustrate this point, one of
our participants told us:
While most participants described the group
environment as one of restriction and control, not
all accounts were solely negative or distant. For one
participant, the sense of control she experienced
within the group was complex and emotionally
layered. Although she later recognized the presence
of coercive dynamics, she also described the group as
her family. This feeling highlights the deep emotional
bonds and sense of belonging that can coexist with
control, making the experience of leaving even more
difficult and ambivalent. Such narratives illustrate that
emotional attachment and coercion are not mutually
exclusive, and that cultic involvement can fulfill
psychological and relational needs even as it restricts
autonomy.
For women, debt and lack of financial means can
dissuade them from leaving the group for fear of being
left with nothing and unable to live on their own,
especially as many have given up their studies or jobs to
devote themselves full-time to the community. In this
regard, Rousselet et al. (2017) report that dropping out
of school or work and significant financial expenses
are the main consequences of cultic involvement.
Several participants noted the economic exploitation
of members. This exploitation can take various forms,
such as the obligation to donate large sums of money
to the organization or to work without remuneration.
We were always the same little group. He [the
leader] encouraged us a lot to leave our friends,
to leave our families they were always people
who weren’t good for us. It was just in our
group that we were good. (Sarah)
8:30 a.m., it’s breakfast time, you’ve got to be
on time. 9 a.m., the workday starts and lasts
until midnight. It used to be until 2 a.m. After
that, it went down to midnight. So, from 9 a.m.
to midnight, you’re working. Now you’re going
to tell me you can get away during the day. No.
Because at midnight, you must send in your
schedule. You have to write down everything
you did during the day. So, if there’s a gap
between 11:30 and 11:50, they ask you, “Hey,
what did you do?” Some people write down
when they go to the toilet on their schedule.
(Jessica)
The physical control of women is very present in
the participants’ cultic groups. Leaders control their
particularly control their diet and appearance. They
seem to use coercive control tactics to subject women
to their authority and force them to obey:
In some groups, women were required to wear makeup
and provocative clothing to please the leader and
male members, while in others, makeup was strictly
prohibited and modest dress was imposed. Regardless
of the specific demands regarding appearance, the
women’s testimonies suggest that the purpose of
controlling their bodies or appearance was to consolidate
their dependence on the group and their commitment
to actualizing the group’s project. Stark (2007) points
out that the control of food and appearance is an
integral part of the micromanagement of women’s daily
lives. These practices of dietary restrictions are in line
with the comments made by the Collective of Women
(1997), who stressed that what they ate and what they
wore was controlled they were only allowed to wear
skirts or dresses, and if they put on weight, they had to
follow a strict diet.
Half of the participants I met reported having
experienced sexual assault as part of their cultic
involvement, either by the leader or by another member
of the community. As mentioned in the literature
review, sexual practices with leaders are sometimes
seen as a spiritual responsibility for women. The leaders
can assert that this is part of their role and offers them
I had to send in my weight every Monday [to
the leader]. I had to weigh myself and then send
in my weight. At one point, I was 119 [pounds],
and then he told me, “Be careful, you’re going
to go up to 120. You’re not supposed to go over
120.” (Jessica)
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