International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 9 2026 94
by the women’s positioning within the group and their
evolving interpretations over time.
Joining a Cultic Group
Analyzing the women’s experiences that led them to
join a cultic group is relevant to this study. This analysis
will help us understand their future experiences and the
control they have been under. First, most of the women
I met joined a cultic group in late adolescence or early
adulthood. Their involvement was often the result of a
conflict in their personal lives, such as a death in the
family, a parent’s illness, parental divorce, or family
violence. Reflecting on that issue, two participants
highlighted how leaders use women’s vulnerability to
recruit them.
The testimonies refer to a certain dissatisfaction in
their personal lives, which is a factor contributing to
commitment according to Rousselet et al. (2017). Most
of them wanted to escape a family environment in which
they did not thrive, which would have contributed, in
one way or another, to their cultic involvement.
While many participants described personal or
emotional vulnerabilities as factors that shaped their
entry into the group, the way they understood their own
role and identity once inside varied significantly. The
following section explores how gendered expectations
intersect with the organizational structure of the group,
shaping women’s experiences in different ways.
Women’s Roles
Women’s roles may vary from group to group and
I think, when we go through difficult things,
I think these people [leaders] they see that
there’s something wrong. You know, when
they see that we’re hurt or that we’re affected
or that we’ve had a difficult childhood, I have
the impression that they see it easily. They’re
able to get us in some way, and for me, it’s been
through friendship. (Julia)
He [the leader] knew exactly how to get you.
We talked for hours, you know he makes you
feel special he makes you feel loved he makes
you feel…You know, “you’re special.” he makes
us all feel that way. (Jane)
from woman to woman, but they often place them in a
position where they are under male control. Except for
one, all participants were involved in communities led
by a man or a group of men. Power roles are therefore
often reserved for men, with women being placed lower
on the hierarchy, because their roles are subordinate
ones. Stark (2007) uses the concept of patriarchy to
explain this ongoing control of men over women.
Lamboley et al. (2022), on the other hand, use the term
“patriarchal community” to describe women’s day-to-
day control over decisions, such as whether to attend
school, have a job, date boys during adolescence, marry,
or have children. For these authors, the roles usually
occupied by men and women within cultic groups
are exclusively linked to a patriarchal conception of
women’s place in society.
While most participants described male-led groups,
this was not the case for all. In one case, the group was
led by a woman. This leadership role challenges the
common belief that cultic authority is always male, but
it also suggests that women can sometimes reproduce
patriarchal dynamics. As feminist scholars have argued,
the internalization of gendered norms and power
structures can lead women to uphold and enforce
systems of control, even while occupying positions of
leadership (Lerner, 1986). This analysis suggests that
the gendered nature of authority in cultic groups is not
always straightforward and must be examined through
the lens of power rather than identity alone.
I have highlighted two major roles women usually
play in cultic groups. First, women’s roles are often
associated with submission, community service,
motherhood, family, and home care (Collective of
Women, 1997 Jacobs, 1984 Rudin, 1984 Weishaupt
&Stensland, 1997). Stark (2007) points out that, in
a situation of coercive control, authority figures will
regulate women’s behavior so that it conforms to the
stereotypical roles assigned to them. Interviews reveal
that pressure is put on young girls to take on the roles
of wife and mother. The pressure to actualize these
roles can be amplified by a group movement, including
parents who are also members of the group. For
example, one participant explains how young women
in her community were strongly encouraged to marry
and have children, which also implied having certain
qualities associated with the notion of a good woman:

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Andréa Lagorse |Understanding Women’s Experiences in Cultic Groups in Québec
Although this narrative clearly reflects a traditional and
patriarchal ideal of womanhood, other participants
described different dynamics that complicate a binary
reading of domination. These differences show that
women’s roles in cultic groups are not always fixed, but
shaped by a mix of beliefs, expectations, and emotional
ties.
In contrast to the ideal of submission described
above, another participant told us that women were
worshipped in her group. As she said:
We [women] always had the role of protector
you always had to be kind, warm. You had to
be a submissive woman, too. It was very much
valued in our community that to be a good
woman, you had to know how to listen, you
had to know how to cook, you had to know
how to respect your husband—that was very
much what the church was all about. And when
we didn’t do those things, we were shamed…
We had this role of having children, that it was
our role to have lots of children, to look after
our home, that it was the woman’s role to do
everything. (Julia)
We were goddesses. Because when we were in a
group with men, it happened especially in the
early days, women always got more attention.
He [the leader] was gentler with women…so
we were really treated better, I’d say, than the
men. It seemed that he loved women, women’s
energy he took care of them.” (Sarah)
Not one of the examined studies addresses the specific
dynamic outlined in this scenario, wherein the leader
idealizes women. Existing research predominantly
centers on a patriarchal perspective of women’s cultic
involvements. However, this narrative contrasts sharply
with others that emphasized subordination and control.
Rather than dismiss such experiences as exceptional, a
feminist analysis encourages us to examine how power
can also operate through idealization and seduction,
and how these dynamics may coexist with coercion.
Beyond the roles assigned to them, women’s accounts
also revealed the profound and lasting impact of their
involvement in cultic groups. The following section
explores the emotional, physical, and psychological
consequences of these experiences. These consequences
cannot be dissociated from the broader structures of
coercive control and gendered violence that shaped
their daily lives.
Consequences
Women face a lot of negative consequences regarding
their experiences in a cultic group, particularly with
their mental health and self-esteem. Every woman
I met reported experiencing psychological distress
during their time in the group, revealing that this
distress frequently extended after they left the group.
Notably, three women recounted that they dealt with
thoughts of self-harm, and two attempted suicide. One
participant elaborates that her struggles with mental
well-being originated during her childhood and
persisted throughout her engagement with the cultic
group:
I was a child, and I already wanted to die.
I don’t like it. I’m unhappy. I want to die so
badly. I was experiencing a lot of depression,
a lot of suicidal thoughts... I’m starting to
have problems. I hurt myself. I cut my hands.
I scream. I have seizures. I have nightmares.
There’s nothing good going on I’m unhappy.
(Anna)
The imposition of group control leaves women in a
highly susceptible state, with detrimental consequences
for their self-esteem. This diminished self-esteem,
in turn, weakens their capacity to resist the grip of
control, rendering them even more susceptible to
male aggression (Stark, 2007). This dynamic creates
a vicious circle that is very difficult to break. By
adopting the leader’s perspective and complying with
their demands, women forfeit their self-governance,
resulting in a decline in self-worth (Lalich, 1997).
This process often contributes to the emergence of a
new identity that aligns with the group’s expectations,
to the detriment of the women themselves (Collective
of Women, 1997 Ward, 2000). In such circumstances,
cultivating a positive self-image becomes arduous for
women when every sphere of their lives is controlled,
and their very existence is devalued.
Women also face consequences regarding their physical
health. For several participants, their experiences in