Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2010, Page 33
Cults, Creativity, and Folie: Psychoanalytic Considerations
Miguel Perlado, Ph.D.
Abstract
This article introduces diverse theoretical and clinical reflections on folie à
deux as a model for understanding cult relations. It draws on concepts from
psychoanalysis such as transference/countertransference, projective
identification, the psychotic/nonpsychotic parts of the personality, and
benign/malignant regression. As an example, the author will present the case
of a music group that adopted a style of relationship among its members that
resembled what we have been able to observe both in cult dynamics and in
situations of folie à deux. This is followed by a presentation of a multifamily
approach taken to help the families enable their loved ones to exit the group.
It is hoped that this formulation will further our understanding of the psychic
processes that draw individuals into cult groups and of how certain groups
tend to develop cultic characteristics.
I originally presented the history of the group described in this paper at a conference on
intersubjectivity and bonds held in Barcelona three years ago with the psychoanalyst Janine
Puget.1 At that conference I presented the material without any theoretical reflection,
merely as an account of the facts as they unfolded. Although therapy took place in a clinic
specializing in cultic relations, I deliberately omitted any reference to the cult aspect during
the presentation. Significantly, during the course of discussion, the psychoanalysts and
psychotherapists who participated in the seminar began to speak spontaneously of the
group as ―cult-like.‖ Some noted in particular how the psychotic breakdown of the leader
reverberates through the group and shapes and illuminates its dynamics. The suppression
of subjectivity and resulting diminution of symbolization and creativity among the group of
musicians emerged as the central feature that led to the ‗cult‘ characterization.2
Several factors led to my thinking of cultic dynamics as a form of folie. First, relating to
cultic studies of thought reform, is the common observation of loss of identity under
significant group pressure (Lifton, 1989 Singer &Ofshe, 1990). Second is my clinical
experience with a variety of cultic situations, including exit counseling with current members
and psychotherapy with former members who often presented with substantial impairment
in their relationships.3
However, a third element also seemed significant in both situations: malignant regression.4
The levels of regression that may occur in groups are variable, and depend on numerous
factors (social conditions, group history, degree of intimacy between members and leader,
degree of pathology of the leader, level of isolation of members, etc.). As Volkan notes,
―group regression becomes malignant when the members begin to tolerate extreme levels
of sadism and masochism in defence of the group identity‖ (Volkan, 2007: 150). Sadism
turns aggression outward, in an attempt to destroy alterity, the other, who is viewed as
different and therefore dangerous masochism in contrast turns aggression inward in a
desperate attempt to maintain the identity of the group. We can observe regressive
phenomena of both types in extreme form in religious fundamentalism, but also in other
social phenomena.
Without reaching these extremes, we can still observe regression in the practices
implemented by cults, which give rise to diverse degrees of alteration in the relationships
among their members. The notion of malignant regression comes from Michael Balint‘s
work. In Thrills and Regressions (1959), Balint distinguished two types of regression that
can appear during psychoanalytic treatment. The benign form is minor, temporary, and
Cults, Creativity, and Folie: Psychoanalytic Considerations
Miguel Perlado, Ph.D.
Abstract
This article introduces diverse theoretical and clinical reflections on folie à
deux as a model for understanding cult relations. It draws on concepts from
psychoanalysis such as transference/countertransference, projective
identification, the psychotic/nonpsychotic parts of the personality, and
benign/malignant regression. As an example, the author will present the case
of a music group that adopted a style of relationship among its members that
resembled what we have been able to observe both in cult dynamics and in
situations of folie à deux. This is followed by a presentation of a multifamily
approach taken to help the families enable their loved ones to exit the group.
It is hoped that this formulation will further our understanding of the psychic
processes that draw individuals into cult groups and of how certain groups
tend to develop cultic characteristics.
I originally presented the history of the group described in this paper at a conference on
intersubjectivity and bonds held in Barcelona three years ago with the psychoanalyst Janine
Puget.1 At that conference I presented the material without any theoretical reflection,
merely as an account of the facts as they unfolded. Although therapy took place in a clinic
specializing in cultic relations, I deliberately omitted any reference to the cult aspect during
the presentation. Significantly, during the course of discussion, the psychoanalysts and
psychotherapists who participated in the seminar began to speak spontaneously of the
group as ―cult-like.‖ Some noted in particular how the psychotic breakdown of the leader
reverberates through the group and shapes and illuminates its dynamics. The suppression
of subjectivity and resulting diminution of symbolization and creativity among the group of
musicians emerged as the central feature that led to the ‗cult‘ characterization.2
Several factors led to my thinking of cultic dynamics as a form of folie. First, relating to
cultic studies of thought reform, is the common observation of loss of identity under
significant group pressure (Lifton, 1989 Singer &Ofshe, 1990). Second is my clinical
experience with a variety of cultic situations, including exit counseling with current members
and psychotherapy with former members who often presented with substantial impairment
in their relationships.3
However, a third element also seemed significant in both situations: malignant regression.4
The levels of regression that may occur in groups are variable, and depend on numerous
factors (social conditions, group history, degree of intimacy between members and leader,
degree of pathology of the leader, level of isolation of members, etc.). As Volkan notes,
―group regression becomes malignant when the members begin to tolerate extreme levels
of sadism and masochism in defence of the group identity‖ (Volkan, 2007: 150). Sadism
turns aggression outward, in an attempt to destroy alterity, the other, who is viewed as
different and therefore dangerous masochism in contrast turns aggression inward in a
desperate attempt to maintain the identity of the group. We can observe regressive
phenomena of both types in extreme form in religious fundamentalism, but also in other
social phenomena.
Without reaching these extremes, we can still observe regression in the practices
implemented by cults, which give rise to diverse degrees of alteration in the relationships
among their members. The notion of malignant regression comes from Michael Balint‘s
work. In Thrills and Regressions (1959), Balint distinguished two types of regression that
can appear during psychoanalytic treatment. The benign form is minor, temporary, and
