Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1997, page 21
In Jean Baker Miller‟s (1976) short, seminal work on gender inequities, Toward a New
Psychology of Women, she discusses the differences between temporary inequity and
permanent inequity:
The “superior” party presumably has more of some ability or valuable quality,
which she\he is supposed to impart to the “lesser” person. While these abilities
vary with the particular relationship, they include emotional maturity, experience in
the world, physical skills, a body of knowledge, or the techniques for acquiring
certain kinds of knowledge. The superior person is supposed to engage with the
lesser in such a way as to bring the lesser member up to full parity that is, the
child is to be helped to become the adult. Such is the overall task of this
relationship. The lesser, the child, is to be given to, by the person who presumably
has more to give. Although the lesser party often also gives much to the superior,
the relationships are based in service to the lesser party. That is their raison d‟être.
(p. 4)
Former cult members often report that they were attracted to their group because they saw
the group and its leader(s) as teacher(s) who could help them transform their lives. At the
time they joined, they were not cognizant of the possibility of the inequity being permanent.
What Women Unconsciously Desire and What Cults Emanate
In the preceding section I elucidated what women might be consciously thinking about when
they are being seduced by a cultic group, and how groups deceptively advertise that they
can fulfill those wants. I also believe that women have unconscious, that is, unarticulated,
desires that cultic groups appear to be able to fulfill. Whereas women are often quite
conscious and adept at describing their wish for power, altruism, and mentorship, they are
less clear about equally compelling wishes for safety from gender inequality and for
recognition.
Return to the Safety of Latency
Recent books (Gilligan, 1982 Pipher, 1994) reveal that girls are confident, outgoing, and
perform well in school until they reach adolescence. During the latency period, roughly ages
7 to 11, girls are relatively happy, are un-self-conscious, and enjoy hobbies and sports.
Reports show that girls‟ math and science scores plummet in the junior high school years.
Self-esteem ratings on psychological tests fall as well. When girls reach puberty and become
more involved with coed groups, confusion, acting out, and chaos begin. Research during
the past 15 years indicates that in mixed-gender groups, boys are attended to more by
teachers, and girls acquiesce to talking about topics important to boys rather than to
themselves.
Given that these social inequities begin early on, elementary education harbors some
protection for girls. First, girls tend to socialize less with boys during the latency years than
they do in adolescence, so there is simply less opportunity to experience the inequity.
Second, the structure of early education is more concrete and less subjective than in later
school years. There is only one answer to the questions, for example, of how a particular
word is spelled, only one fill-in-the-blank or multiple-choice answer to other questions.
There is a greater focus on acquired, concrete knowledge and “getting it right,” and winning
is not yet influenced by the nuances of social discourse or bravado, which can, for example,
have an impact on the grade a student might receive on a debate or an essay. There is a
certain kind of orderliness characteristic of both elementary education and latency-age
behavior that affords girls a significant measure of emotional safety from gender inequities.
Everyone is in a classroom, they have their own desk, they all go to lunch at the same time,
and so on. There is certainly greater adult supervision than in later years when adolescents

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1997, page 22
begin to be expected to, and act as if they wish to, manage more on their own. There is less
opportunity for sex play, name calling, physical violence.
Women are not aware of the structure of cultic groups when they are recruited however, at
the first “meeting,” “bible study,” or “course,” they are immediately exposed to the group‟s
habits, routines, and culture. Given that our society‟s social rules are shifting and confusing,
and that gender biases affect every aspect of life, it makes sense that women would be
comforted when they find that a group they have been drawn to is structured like early
school. Group meetings are organized, members are task oriented, and there is always a
leader or elder present in the role of judge (much like a teacher), to tell a member if she is
“doing it right.” If the last place girls do well and feel relatively safe is in elementary school,
then it is a comfort to return to a disciplined, regimented environment.
“Cathy,” at 25, had spent 4 years in a bible study group when she came to see me for
psychotherapy. She had grown up in a large, intact Catholic family. Cathy reported
feeling that “everything was okay until the end of junior high school,” when in contrast
to her outstanding academic success in grammar school, she began to get poor grades.
Her parents were confused about her sudden academic turnabout and reacted by being
punishing and critical. Cathy remembers being preoccupied with thoughts about boys in
her class. She was confused about how to relate to them, and overwhelmed with her
sexual feelings. She saw herself as unappealing and incompetent whenever she was in
the presence of boys.
During her sophomore year of college, while at a mall near her home one day, Cathy
met recruiters from a neo-Christian cult. She was immediately drawn to the group‟s
supposed community work with indigents. During the course of therapy, Cathy
remembered the sense of peace and safety she had felt when she first entered the
group. She was able to articulate to herself and to me that she had liked that the men
and women lived relatively separate lives in the group. They were housed in different
buildings, had separate bible study classes, and were not allowed to date. She had
strong romantic feelings toward two of the men in the group, but had virtually no
contact with them. Cathy said that this was one of the most productive times of her life.
She spent her days recruiting on college campuses and counseling other women in their
bible studies. She was able to work long hours without being distracted by her thoughts
about men and romance. The group leader demanded that members have no romantic
contact until marriage and although there seemed to be no realistic way to meet a
man and marry, Cathy believed the leader‟s promise that in time all the good women in
the group would be married. During her years in the cult, Cathy did not worry about her
feelings of inadequacy with men. She felt safe, spent her days working communally
with the other women, and lived for many years with the “knowledge” that if she
followed the group‟s structure she would someday marry.
This is a prime example of using latency-age cognition and defenses to cope with the more
complex, frightening world of romantic intimacy. Cathy wanted to marry and have a family,
but she was confused and frightened about how to accomplish this. She felt uncomfortable
and insecure when she was with men. She relied on what worked last for her: follow the
teacher‟s instructions and you will succeed.
Identificatory Love
“Marcia” joined a mass therapy cult when she was 35. She came to see me 3 years
later, soon after leaving the group. We discussed the many ways that the group
experience had been destructive to her. She was now in a satisfying job and had a
supportive group of friends. She repeatedly expressed frustration about the men (as
well as powerful women, e.g., employers) in her life because they did not praise her.
Although she was glad to be out of the group, she began to realize that she deeply