Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 79
attention, and in motility. These areas of interest were addressed by specific research
questions in my doctoral thesis, and will be discussed in a separate article.
What follows are some conclusions about Ken's deprogramming based on my qualitative
observations.
Summary of Deprogramming Process observations
Cognitive process. The cultist, Ken, entered the deprogramming with many suppressed
doubts, some missing information, and some information that was present but was
interpreted in an ISKCON context. Initially, the information presented to him had to do with
the deprogramming process itself-what to expect, who the deprogrammers were, what they
intended to do. In addition to having an affective impact (lowering his anxiety about the
immediate situation), the manner in which this information was relayed contradicted
ISKCON's statements about deprogrammers. On a social-affiliative level, this information
served to decrease his anxiety and set the stage for growing trust. On a cognitive level, the
immediate violation of Ken's expectations jarred his consciousness, and stimulated
information processing (Kahnemann, 1973).
Information processing and persuasion. As expected, the primary focus of the
deprogramming was on exchanging information both of an impersonal and a personal
nature. The content of the conversation reflected my impression that the cognitive and
social-affiliative realms were the ones in which I saw the greatest activity. The development
and maintenance of interpersonal rapport seemed intimately connected with the effective
communication of information relevant to the cult. Taken all together, the deprogrammers
appeared to employ a comprehensive persuasive strategy (Burgoon &Bettinghaus, 1980) in
which they skillfully utilized: (a) objective evidence, (b) a familiar message structure (e.g.,
common familiarity with ISKCON philosophy terminology, and membership), c) moderate
emotionalism (d) rewards, and (e) language of relative low intensity (with little
confrontation).
Shifts in attention and consciousness. Ken's attention tended to be more stable toward
the end of the deprogramming. As he stated, “flitting” tended to be his ideational
(attentional) style while in the cult, Ken's agreement at least temporarily to cease chanting
his rounds was a significant event in this deprogramming's cognitive process. This action
served to break the thought-stopping cycle, thereby removing the most active barrier to
information processing. As an autohypnotic technique, chanting may have also contributed
to Ken's “floating” state of consciousness. By ceasing his daily “rounds,” Ken changed in
attentional motility and increased in information processing, which thereby resulted in a
shift in consciousness.
Utilization of dissonance. As predicted by the deprogrammers I interviewed prior to Ken's
deprogramming, Ken's deprogrammers tended to ask him to reflect on his pre-cult life. Most
deprogrammers and exit counselors have acknowledged the importance of focusing on the
cultists personal history during deconversion (Hassan, 1988). In Ken's deprogramming,
these requests tended to come most often from Greg Stem, whose background was most
similar to Ken's. The request to reflect on the past served to generate tension and to
reconnect Ken with his own internal fund of information that contradicted ISKCON. For
example, after Ken admitted to having cheated someone out of his money, Greg asked him
if “that (was] something you would have done before you got involved” with ISKCON. When
Ken replied in the negative, Greg responded, “So that's something you picked up from
hanging around Krishnas ...how to con, to cheat.” This question reminded Ken that he had
violated his own ethical values (the ideals that led him to ISKCON in the first place), which
generated a moderate level of anxiety, enhanced his listening, and motivated him toward
change. The statement that immediately followed also served to confirm Ken's suspicions
attention, and in motility. These areas of interest were addressed by specific research
questions in my doctoral thesis, and will be discussed in a separate article.
What follows are some conclusions about Ken's deprogramming based on my qualitative
observations.
Summary of Deprogramming Process observations
Cognitive process. The cultist, Ken, entered the deprogramming with many suppressed
doubts, some missing information, and some information that was present but was
interpreted in an ISKCON context. Initially, the information presented to him had to do with
the deprogramming process itself-what to expect, who the deprogrammers were, what they
intended to do. In addition to having an affective impact (lowering his anxiety about the
immediate situation), the manner in which this information was relayed contradicted
ISKCON's statements about deprogrammers. On a social-affiliative level, this information
served to decrease his anxiety and set the stage for growing trust. On a cognitive level, the
immediate violation of Ken's expectations jarred his consciousness, and stimulated
information processing (Kahnemann, 1973).
Information processing and persuasion. As expected, the primary focus of the
deprogramming was on exchanging information both of an impersonal and a personal
nature. The content of the conversation reflected my impression that the cognitive and
social-affiliative realms were the ones in which I saw the greatest activity. The development
and maintenance of interpersonal rapport seemed intimately connected with the effective
communication of information relevant to the cult. Taken all together, the deprogrammers
appeared to employ a comprehensive persuasive strategy (Burgoon &Bettinghaus, 1980) in
which they skillfully utilized: (a) objective evidence, (b) a familiar message structure (e.g.,
common familiarity with ISKCON philosophy terminology, and membership), c) moderate
emotionalism (d) rewards, and (e) language of relative low intensity (with little
confrontation).
Shifts in attention and consciousness. Ken's attention tended to be more stable toward
the end of the deprogramming. As he stated, “flitting” tended to be his ideational
(attentional) style while in the cult, Ken's agreement at least temporarily to cease chanting
his rounds was a significant event in this deprogramming's cognitive process. This action
served to break the thought-stopping cycle, thereby removing the most active barrier to
information processing. As an autohypnotic technique, chanting may have also contributed
to Ken's “floating” state of consciousness. By ceasing his daily “rounds,” Ken changed in
attentional motility and increased in information processing, which thereby resulted in a
shift in consciousness.
Utilization of dissonance. As predicted by the deprogrammers I interviewed prior to Ken's
deprogramming, Ken's deprogrammers tended to ask him to reflect on his pre-cult life. Most
deprogrammers and exit counselors have acknowledged the importance of focusing on the
cultists personal history during deconversion (Hassan, 1988). In Ken's deprogramming,
these requests tended to come most often from Greg Stem, whose background was most
similar to Ken's. The request to reflect on the past served to generate tension and to
reconnect Ken with his own internal fund of information that contradicted ISKCON. For
example, after Ken admitted to having cheated someone out of his money, Greg asked him
if “that (was] something you would have done before you got involved” with ISKCON. When
Ken replied in the negative, Greg responded, “So that's something you picked up from
hanging around Krishnas ...how to con, to cheat.” This question reminded Ken that he had
violated his own ethical values (the ideals that led him to ISKCON in the first place), which
generated a moderate level of anxiety, enhanced his listening, and motivated him toward
change. The statement that immediately followed also served to confirm Ken's suspicions
