Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 24
snatches, these deprogrammers began to call themselves “exit-counselors.” Eventually, the
twin catalysts of increased knowledge/skill and concern over lawsuits produced a dramatic
increase in exit-counselings and the waning of coerced deprogramming.
In practice, however, some deconversions may begin as unannounced, involuntary
deprogrammings and then rapidly develop into voluntary exit counselings when the cultist
responds with surprising cooperation (or even relief!) and seems very ready to consider the
deprogrammers' information. Conversely, some exit counselings can take place in secluded
areas (e.g., remote woodland cabins) that are very difficult to leave these deconversions
border on involuntary deprogrammings. Thus, the distinction between exit counseling and
deprogramming can be blurred. What seems clear is that the days of forceably grabbing
young adults off the streets to sequester them clandestinely in motel rooms have almost
disappeared. As of this writing, coerced deprogrammings are rare events.
Deprogramming's Essential Characteristics
The process of deconversion can subsume a wide range and variety of activities. In the
published deprogramming accounts I reviewed, however, there were consistent themes that
appeared to define the essential characteristics of this process (cf., Conway &Siegelman,
1978 Edwards, 1979 Enroth, 1977 Freed, 1980 Hassan, 1988 Heller, 1982 Patrick,
1976 Streiker, 1984 Underwood &Underwood, 1979 Zeidin, 1980). These included: some
form of physical removal from the cultic milieu establishing a personal relationship that
involves self-disclosure and encourages reestablishing links with pre-cult personal history
disputing cult information and imparting new information interference with cult-supported
attentional patterns (i.e., cultic “self-hypnosis”) and anticipating an overt or covert sign
that the cultist has renounced his or her allegiance (“snapping”).
The Effectiveness of Deprogramming
Among deprogrammers, reported effectiveness rates vary from 75% to 85%. Former
deprogrammer Galen Kelly reported an 85% success rate (Appel, 1983, p. 151n). Garvey
(1988) estimated that in his experience as an exit-counselor, he has achieved an
effectiveness rate of approximately 75-80%.
Studies of the effectiveness of deprogramming have suffered from small and possibly biased
sample sizes. Nevertheless, the few studies that do exist have reported very similar
effectiveness rates. In a preliminary study, Langone (1982) reported that, of 29 forced
deprogrammings, parents of cultists from a variety of groups reported 16 successes (for an
overall success rate of 59%). A later expansion of this study (Langone, 1984) revealed that,
of 62 deprogrammings, 39 were immediately successful (63% effectiveness). Of the 23
“failures,” 6 later left their cults, so a very liberal interpretation of deprogramming
effectiveness might yield a rating of 73%. My colleagues and I obtained similar results
(Dubrow-Eichel, Dubrow-Eichel &Eisenberg, 1984): 10 of 15 (67%) exit-counselings and/or
deprogrammings were successful. These results compare favorably with rates of
psychotherapy efficacy (Garfield, 198 1). Both studies suggested that the effectiveness
rates estimated by deprogrammers themselves may be somewhat overly optimistic,
although none of the above studies attempted to control for deprogrammer factors, such as
experience level as a deprogrammer or formal training in mental health counseling.
In 1981, Conway and Siegelman (1982) surveyed over 400 former cult members from 48
different groups. Their respondents ranged in age from mid-teens to mid-fifties, with 21
being the mean. Length of time as a cultist ranged from 3 days to 12 years, with 34 months
being the mean. Fifty-one percent were male. Forty-six percent were Protestant 26%
Catholic, 21% Jewish and 7% atheist or “other.” Seventy-one percent of their subjects
underwent deprogramming. Of these, 40% had been forcefully abducted (kidnapped).
snatches, these deprogrammers began to call themselves “exit-counselors.” Eventually, the
twin catalysts of increased knowledge/skill and concern over lawsuits produced a dramatic
increase in exit-counselings and the waning of coerced deprogramming.
In practice, however, some deconversions may begin as unannounced, involuntary
deprogrammings and then rapidly develop into voluntary exit counselings when the cultist
responds with surprising cooperation (or even relief!) and seems very ready to consider the
deprogrammers' information. Conversely, some exit counselings can take place in secluded
areas (e.g., remote woodland cabins) that are very difficult to leave these deconversions
border on involuntary deprogrammings. Thus, the distinction between exit counseling and
deprogramming can be blurred. What seems clear is that the days of forceably grabbing
young adults off the streets to sequester them clandestinely in motel rooms have almost
disappeared. As of this writing, coerced deprogrammings are rare events.
Deprogramming's Essential Characteristics
The process of deconversion can subsume a wide range and variety of activities. In the
published deprogramming accounts I reviewed, however, there were consistent themes that
appeared to define the essential characteristics of this process (cf., Conway &Siegelman,
1978 Edwards, 1979 Enroth, 1977 Freed, 1980 Hassan, 1988 Heller, 1982 Patrick,
1976 Streiker, 1984 Underwood &Underwood, 1979 Zeidin, 1980). These included: some
form of physical removal from the cultic milieu establishing a personal relationship that
involves self-disclosure and encourages reestablishing links with pre-cult personal history
disputing cult information and imparting new information interference with cult-supported
attentional patterns (i.e., cultic “self-hypnosis”) and anticipating an overt or covert sign
that the cultist has renounced his or her allegiance (“snapping”).
The Effectiveness of Deprogramming
Among deprogrammers, reported effectiveness rates vary from 75% to 85%. Former
deprogrammer Galen Kelly reported an 85% success rate (Appel, 1983, p. 151n). Garvey
(1988) estimated that in his experience as an exit-counselor, he has achieved an
effectiveness rate of approximately 75-80%.
Studies of the effectiveness of deprogramming have suffered from small and possibly biased
sample sizes. Nevertheless, the few studies that do exist have reported very similar
effectiveness rates. In a preliminary study, Langone (1982) reported that, of 29 forced
deprogrammings, parents of cultists from a variety of groups reported 16 successes (for an
overall success rate of 59%). A later expansion of this study (Langone, 1984) revealed that,
of 62 deprogrammings, 39 were immediately successful (63% effectiveness). Of the 23
“failures,” 6 later left their cults, so a very liberal interpretation of deprogramming
effectiveness might yield a rating of 73%. My colleagues and I obtained similar results
(Dubrow-Eichel, Dubrow-Eichel &Eisenberg, 1984): 10 of 15 (67%) exit-counselings and/or
deprogrammings were successful. These results compare favorably with rates of
psychotherapy efficacy (Garfield, 198 1). Both studies suggested that the effectiveness
rates estimated by deprogrammers themselves may be somewhat overly optimistic,
although none of the above studies attempted to control for deprogrammer factors, such as
experience level as a deprogrammer or formal training in mental health counseling.
In 1981, Conway and Siegelman (1982) surveyed over 400 former cult members from 48
different groups. Their respondents ranged in age from mid-teens to mid-fifties, with 21
being the mean. Length of time as a cultist ranged from 3 days to 12 years, with 34 months
being the mean. Fifty-one percent were male. Forty-six percent were Protestant 26%
Catholic, 21% Jewish and 7% atheist or “other.” Seventy-one percent of their subjects
underwent deprogramming. Of these, 40% had been forcefully abducted (kidnapped).
