Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 28
spirit world may have been an important deterrent from participation in other
religious activities after leaving the U.C. Ex-Moonies reported no inclination to
join another religious group ...(Beckford, 1985, p. 166)
Largely because of the preponderance of psychological stress symptoms reported by his
subjects, Beckford appeared to reject Wright's (1984) comparison of cult defection to the
process of divorce.
Ex-members' accounts of the process of separating from the U.C. actually
mention few indications of serious or lasting damage but they do make it
clear that the process was more confusing and indecisive than is usually
acknowledged... If divorce and attempted suicide can be described as
“unscheduled role passage,” becoming an ex-Moonie is a considerably more
bewildering experience... (Beckford, 1985, p. 172)
Although he did not condone deprogramming, Beckford's conclusions did not seem
inconsistent with those of Conway and Siegelman (1982). His use of intensive, personal
interviews may have permitted him greater depth of analysis than was accomplished by
Wright.
A Caveat for All Cult-related Research
Psychological research on human subjects utilizing self-report measure., generally assumes
that subjects are answering honestly and accurately, to the best of their abilities. There is
evidence that this may not always be the cast (cf., Selltiz, Wrightsman, &Cook, 1976, pp.
300-308). My experience with cultists and former cultists suggests that both intentional and
unintentional (e.g., manipulated) dishonesty may occur more often in cult research than in
other types of social and psychological study. For example: as a Unification Church remit, I
was both overtly and subtly encouraged to exaggerate my “sins” (my sexual experience and
experimentation with drugs) Several of my clients have reported instances in which they
misled interviewers and researchers by exaggerating claims of pre-cult dysfunction and
conflict while minimizing their cult-related difficulties. This ongoing negativistic revision of
personal history in response to the “cult of confession” (as discussed by Lifton, 1961) has
prompted me to use the term “revisionist psychohistory” to describe this process to clients
and other professionals (Dubrow-Eichel, Dubrow-Eichel, Eisenberg, Eisenberg, &
Schoenberg, 1983 Dubrow-Eichel, 1988). In this study, there is a point at which the cultist,
Ken, admits to lying about his involvement in illegal: ISKCON activities. Finally, I have
spoken to at least two former cultist who reported that, while active cultists, they were told
by cult leaders to respond dishonestly to a college newspaper classified ad that sought
“former cult members” for a sociology research study.
Chapter III
Behavioral Observations
Participants
Deprogramee: Ken Butler. At the time of the deprogramming, Ken (all names, except the
author's, are pseudonyms), from a white middle-class Jewish background, was 22 years old.
He is an only child. His parents were divorced, and were not on friendly terms. Ken's
relationship with his father and mother had a long history of conflict but there was no
history of a behavior disorder significant enough to incur interventions from school,
community, or law enforcement officials. Ken graduated from a well-regarded high school
located in the far-northeast section of Philadelphia. His grades were above-average. He had
spirit world may have been an important deterrent from participation in other
religious activities after leaving the U.C. Ex-Moonies reported no inclination to
join another religious group ...(Beckford, 1985, p. 166)
Largely because of the preponderance of psychological stress symptoms reported by his
subjects, Beckford appeared to reject Wright's (1984) comparison of cult defection to the
process of divorce.
Ex-members' accounts of the process of separating from the U.C. actually
mention few indications of serious or lasting damage but they do make it
clear that the process was more confusing and indecisive than is usually
acknowledged... If divorce and attempted suicide can be described as
“unscheduled role passage,” becoming an ex-Moonie is a considerably more
bewildering experience... (Beckford, 1985, p. 172)
Although he did not condone deprogramming, Beckford's conclusions did not seem
inconsistent with those of Conway and Siegelman (1982). His use of intensive, personal
interviews may have permitted him greater depth of analysis than was accomplished by
Wright.
A Caveat for All Cult-related Research
Psychological research on human subjects utilizing self-report measure., generally assumes
that subjects are answering honestly and accurately, to the best of their abilities. There is
evidence that this may not always be the cast (cf., Selltiz, Wrightsman, &Cook, 1976, pp.
300-308). My experience with cultists and former cultists suggests that both intentional and
unintentional (e.g., manipulated) dishonesty may occur more often in cult research than in
other types of social and psychological study. For example: as a Unification Church remit, I
was both overtly and subtly encouraged to exaggerate my “sins” (my sexual experience and
experimentation with drugs) Several of my clients have reported instances in which they
misled interviewers and researchers by exaggerating claims of pre-cult dysfunction and
conflict while minimizing their cult-related difficulties. This ongoing negativistic revision of
personal history in response to the “cult of confession” (as discussed by Lifton, 1961) has
prompted me to use the term “revisionist psychohistory” to describe this process to clients
and other professionals (Dubrow-Eichel, Dubrow-Eichel, Eisenberg, Eisenberg, &
Schoenberg, 1983 Dubrow-Eichel, 1988). In this study, there is a point at which the cultist,
Ken, admits to lying about his involvement in illegal: ISKCON activities. Finally, I have
spoken to at least two former cultist who reported that, while active cultists, they were told
by cult leaders to respond dishonestly to a college newspaper classified ad that sought
“former cult members” for a sociology research study.
Chapter III
Behavioral Observations
Participants
Deprogramee: Ken Butler. At the time of the deprogramming, Ken (all names, except the
author's, are pseudonyms), from a white middle-class Jewish background, was 22 years old.
He is an only child. His parents were divorced, and were not on friendly terms. Ken's
relationship with his father and mother had a long history of conflict but there was no
history of a behavior disorder significant enough to incur interventions from school,
community, or law enforcement officials. Ken graduated from a well-regarded high school
located in the far-northeast section of Philadelphia. His grades were above-average. He had
