Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 78
involved in deprogramming and exit-counseling, although he continues to engage in public
speaking on cult-related topics.
Following his deprogramming and subsequent two weeks at Unbound, a rehabilitation center
for former cultists, Ken Butler worked for approximately one year assisting on other
deprogrammings. My sources told me he was only moderately effective as a deprogrammer.
During part of that first year, Ken lived with his mother and saved the money he earned as
a deprogrammer until he could afford his own apartment. He legally changed his name to a
unique one with strong Jewish connotations, although to my knowledge he has not returned
to practicing Judaism The last I heard from Ken, he had worked at various jobs and was for
the moment somewhat settled in as a medical transport driver.
Ken Butter, the deprogrammee and former Krishna devotee, has remained outside of
ISKCON. He has remained unmarried, and seems to continue to have some interpersonal
difficulties with women. He continues to work as an ambulance driver and has also returned
to his first career love, photography, with hopes of becoming a professional photographer
some day.
Chapter IV
Discussion
The deprogramming of Ken Butler was primarily a cognitive and social-affiliative
intervention within a specific form of extended, intensive conversation. There were some
notable changes in content and group process over time in Ken's deprogramming. These
changes and shifts, some of which were discernible only through my qualitative analysis of
the deprogramming as a whole, suggested that Ken's deprogramming had different
modalities as well as phases. The information conveyed and eventually accepted, along with
the strong trust, rapport and affiliative bonds developed between the deprogrammers and
the cultist, combined to produce a dramatic change in Ken.
Anticipating the Conversation Analysis
In addition to the descriptive analysis, I performed a quantitative analysis of three
segments (the “Beginning,” “Snapping point” and “End”) of Ken's deprogramming. An article
in a later issue of Cultic Studies Journal will present this analysis. To briefly anticipate the
data I will present in this later article, the following summary statements can be made:
In the beginning stage of Ken's deprogramming, the deprogrammers were primarily focused
on providing information, questioning, agreeing (with Ken) and self-disclosing about their
own thoughts and experiences. For the cultist, the beginning was marked primarily by self-
disclosing, questioning the deprogrammers, giving information of his own, and quoting
ISKCON doctrine.
For the deprogrammers, the middle stage (the snap) was marked primarily by giving
information, self-disclosing, agreeing, and questioning. For the cultist, the middle phase was
marked by giving information, self-disclosing, citing doctrine and questioning.
For the deprogrammers, the end stage was marked primarily by giving information, self-
disclosing, agreeing and citing doctrine. The deprogrammer quoted ISKCON doctrine
primarily in order to point out inconsistencies with Hare Krishna behavior or to debunk it.
For the cultist, it was marked primarily by giving information, citing doctrine, self-disclosing,
and agreeing.
For all speakers during all stages, there was surprisingly little overt disagreeing, and few
statements that requested of demanded obedience of some sort.
Over the course of the deprogramming, there were some significant changes in the degree
of participation in the deprogramming, in discourse (conversation) style, in focus of
involved in deprogramming and exit-counseling, although he continues to engage in public
speaking on cult-related topics.
Following his deprogramming and subsequent two weeks at Unbound, a rehabilitation center
for former cultists, Ken Butler worked for approximately one year assisting on other
deprogrammings. My sources told me he was only moderately effective as a deprogrammer.
During part of that first year, Ken lived with his mother and saved the money he earned as
a deprogrammer until he could afford his own apartment. He legally changed his name to a
unique one with strong Jewish connotations, although to my knowledge he has not returned
to practicing Judaism The last I heard from Ken, he had worked at various jobs and was for
the moment somewhat settled in as a medical transport driver.
Ken Butter, the deprogrammee and former Krishna devotee, has remained outside of
ISKCON. He has remained unmarried, and seems to continue to have some interpersonal
difficulties with women. He continues to work as an ambulance driver and has also returned
to his first career love, photography, with hopes of becoming a professional photographer
some day.
Chapter IV
Discussion
The deprogramming of Ken Butler was primarily a cognitive and social-affiliative
intervention within a specific form of extended, intensive conversation. There were some
notable changes in content and group process over time in Ken's deprogramming. These
changes and shifts, some of which were discernible only through my qualitative analysis of
the deprogramming as a whole, suggested that Ken's deprogramming had different
modalities as well as phases. The information conveyed and eventually accepted, along with
the strong trust, rapport and affiliative bonds developed between the deprogrammers and
the cultist, combined to produce a dramatic change in Ken.
Anticipating the Conversation Analysis
In addition to the descriptive analysis, I performed a quantitative analysis of three
segments (the “Beginning,” “Snapping point” and “End”) of Ken's deprogramming. An article
in a later issue of Cultic Studies Journal will present this analysis. To briefly anticipate the
data I will present in this later article, the following summary statements can be made:
In the beginning stage of Ken's deprogramming, the deprogrammers were primarily focused
on providing information, questioning, agreeing (with Ken) and self-disclosing about their
own thoughts and experiences. For the cultist, the beginning was marked primarily by self-
disclosing, questioning the deprogrammers, giving information of his own, and quoting
ISKCON doctrine.
For the deprogrammers, the middle stage (the snap) was marked primarily by giving
information, self-disclosing, agreeing, and questioning. For the cultist, the middle phase was
marked by giving information, self-disclosing, citing doctrine and questioning.
For the deprogrammers, the end stage was marked primarily by giving information, self-
disclosing, agreeing and citing doctrine. The deprogrammer quoted ISKCON doctrine
primarily in order to point out inconsistencies with Hare Krishna behavior or to debunk it.
For the cultist, it was marked primarily by giving information, citing doctrine, self-disclosing,
and agreeing.
For all speakers during all stages, there was surprisingly little overt disagreeing, and few
statements that requested of demanded obedience of some sort.
Over the course of the deprogramming, there were some significant changes in the degree
of participation in the deprogramming, in discourse (conversation) style, in focus of
