Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 17
absorption of information, their primary purpose in the acculturation process
apparently is to combat doubt, skepticism, and external criticisms (p.56).
Many initial cult interaction sequences tend to involve regression to child-like states,
according to cult critics. Edwards (1982), in his depictions of Unification Church training,
suggested that there is a change in the initiate‟s level or quality of experiencing that is
associated with the changes in role (to that of a “child”) and attentional processes:
Over the course of the weekend, the group leader directs childlike behavior encouraging
initiates to sing children‟s songs, play children‟s games, eat children‟s snacks and voice
simplistic statements about peace and love. A group leader might be heard encouraging her
members to “melt together like peanut butter and jelly” to be closer together.
“…characteristics of adult behavior including detachment, establishment of context,
individual decision-making, or individual interpretation are discourages by group leaders…”
(pp. 35-36)
The emphasis on ritualistic meditation and/or prayer, especially as a means of counteracting
cult-opposed influences, beliefs, and impulses, has contributed to the perception that cults
teach hypnotic “thought-stopping” techniques. In writing about consciousness, Ornstein
(1972) stated that meditation techniques are aimed at dismantling cognitive “model-
building processes”:
We easily adapt to almost any new input. A new technology, a new person, a
change in our immediate environment, quickly become an integral part of our
lives, part of our model of the external world. This model-building process is
specifically what is to be dismantled by the practice of meditation…the
esoteric traditions thus speak of developing a consciousness that allows every
stimulus to enter into consciousness, devoid of normal input selection, model-
building, and category systems (p.151).
Cult critics have argues that, when combined with milieu control and group pressure,
meditative activities increase suggestibility as a result, incoming information is not
subjected to “normal categorization.” Thus, the new information is accepted less critically.
Meditation and other hypnotic-like techniques employed by cults induce a receding of the
“generalized reality-orientation” (Shor, 1959) that, according to many former members,
results in a schism in thought processes akin to Hilgard‟s (1977) concept of divided
consciousness.
Becoming a Hare Krishna Devotee
The process of becoming a hare Krishna devotee (cf., Conway &Siegelman, 1978, pp. 137-
139 Stoner &Parke, 1977, p. 18) typically begins in one of two ways: (a) A potential
recruit has an encounter with a current devotee or (b) an alienated or disgruntled
“searcher” purposely seeks out ISKCON based on his or her reading or hearing about
meditation and/or the Krishnas, or based on a previous (positive) encounter with a devotee.
Either way, the potential recruit will usually be invited to a “vegetarian feast” (usually at the
local ISKCON temple) which becomes the recruit‟s first encounter with the organized
Krishna community and leadership. There, the recruit is subjected to “love-bombing” (in
which he or she is the focus of intense attention and instant affection, is made to feel
extremely special, spiritually predestined and “chosen,” and is catered to like a young
child). Prior to the dinner, the recruit witnesses and may be pressured to participate in
ecstatic ceremonies devoted to ISKCON deities. And, or course, the recruit is urged to chant
repeatedly the famous Hare Krishna mantra (“Hare Krishna, Hare Krishna, Krishna Krishna,
Hare Hare. Hare Rama, Hare Rama, Rama Rama, Hare Hare”).
absorption of information, their primary purpose in the acculturation process
apparently is to combat doubt, skepticism, and external criticisms (p.56).
Many initial cult interaction sequences tend to involve regression to child-like states,
according to cult critics. Edwards (1982), in his depictions of Unification Church training,
suggested that there is a change in the initiate‟s level or quality of experiencing that is
associated with the changes in role (to that of a “child”) and attentional processes:
Over the course of the weekend, the group leader directs childlike behavior encouraging
initiates to sing children‟s songs, play children‟s games, eat children‟s snacks and voice
simplistic statements about peace and love. A group leader might be heard encouraging her
members to “melt together like peanut butter and jelly” to be closer together.
“…characteristics of adult behavior including detachment, establishment of context,
individual decision-making, or individual interpretation are discourages by group leaders…”
(pp. 35-36)
The emphasis on ritualistic meditation and/or prayer, especially as a means of counteracting
cult-opposed influences, beliefs, and impulses, has contributed to the perception that cults
teach hypnotic “thought-stopping” techniques. In writing about consciousness, Ornstein
(1972) stated that meditation techniques are aimed at dismantling cognitive “model-
building processes”:
We easily adapt to almost any new input. A new technology, a new person, a
change in our immediate environment, quickly become an integral part of our
lives, part of our model of the external world. This model-building process is
specifically what is to be dismantled by the practice of meditation…the
esoteric traditions thus speak of developing a consciousness that allows every
stimulus to enter into consciousness, devoid of normal input selection, model-
building, and category systems (p.151).
Cult critics have argues that, when combined with milieu control and group pressure,
meditative activities increase suggestibility as a result, incoming information is not
subjected to “normal categorization.” Thus, the new information is accepted less critically.
Meditation and other hypnotic-like techniques employed by cults induce a receding of the
“generalized reality-orientation” (Shor, 1959) that, according to many former members,
results in a schism in thought processes akin to Hilgard‟s (1977) concept of divided
consciousness.
Becoming a Hare Krishna Devotee
The process of becoming a hare Krishna devotee (cf., Conway &Siegelman, 1978, pp. 137-
139 Stoner &Parke, 1977, p. 18) typically begins in one of two ways: (a) A potential
recruit has an encounter with a current devotee or (b) an alienated or disgruntled
“searcher” purposely seeks out ISKCON based on his or her reading or hearing about
meditation and/or the Krishnas, or based on a previous (positive) encounter with a devotee.
Either way, the potential recruit will usually be invited to a “vegetarian feast” (usually at the
local ISKCON temple) which becomes the recruit‟s first encounter with the organized
Krishna community and leadership. There, the recruit is subjected to “love-bombing” (in
which he or she is the focus of intense attention and instant affection, is made to feel
extremely special, spiritually predestined and “chosen,” and is catered to like a young
child). Prior to the dinner, the recruit witnesses and may be pressured to participate in
ecstatic ceremonies devoted to ISKCON deities. And, or course, the recruit is urged to chant
repeatedly the famous Hare Krishna mantra (“Hare Krishna, Hare Krishna, Krishna Krishna,
Hare Hare. Hare Rama, Hare Rama, Rama Rama, Hare Hare”).
