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who accept a view of cultic conversion as involving a complex and not completely
understood interplay of personal, social-psychological and possibly dissociative forces.
These individuals currently disassociate themselves from coerced or involuntary
deprogramming, and they typically eschew a simplistic “brainwashing” explanation of cult
conversion, talking instead of “undue influence,” “unethical communication” and “the
systematic manipulation of social and psychological influence” (c.f., Cialdini, 1984 Clark, et.
Al, 1981 Cunningham, 1984 Singer, 1982).
Models of Coercive Cult Conversion
There are three predominant but not exclusive models of coercive cult conversion. The first
and perhaps most fully articulated “brainwashing” model was formulated by Lifton (1961).
Lifton, a psychoanalytically-trained psychiatrist, developed his theory following extensive
clinical interviews with Chinese and Western survivors of (and refugees from) the Red
Chinese “reeducation” program that followed the Communist takeover of mainland china in
1949. His theory has its roots in the psychoanalytic concept of “ego psychology.”
Nevertheless, I use the term “psychodynamic/social-psychological” to describe Lifton‟s
model, because of his emphasis on integrating the intrapsychic, social, and cultural contexts
in which ego regression and thought reform occur.
Lifton: an Early Psychodynamic/Social-Psychological Model
Chapter 22 (pp. 419-437) of Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism (Lifton, 1961)
summarizes Lifton‟s eight major points about coercive persuasion, and defines the
necessary conditions that must be met before a persuasion process can be termed coercive
“brainwashing.” In summarizing this chapter, I will provide examples of how various cults,
including the International society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON, the Hare Krishnas),
employ each technique.
Milieu control. “Milieu control” refers to a rigid structuring of the environment in which
communication is regulated and access to information is strictly controlled. In my April,
1975 experiences at the Unification Church‟s Barrytown seminary, there were no channels
to outside information sources (e.g., television, radio, newspapers, etc.) and recruits were
assigned to two “buddies” with the admonition that we were to ask them any and all
questions.
In ISKCON, temple members are kept isolated and communication between devotees and
especially with outside sources is restricted Krishna devotees are taught that non-ISKCON
information is maya (illusion) and non-ISKCON sources of information are “demons.”
Mystical manipulation. “Mystical manipulation” refers to the use of planned, or
engineered, spontaneity that is, thought reformers manipulate recruits in such a way as to
make their behaviors appear spontaneous and internally-generated. In addition, cult
institutions are given an aura of great mystery and divinity. In my experiences with the
Unification Church (U.C.), for example, recruits were deliberately “love-bombed” and
subjected to other forms of emotional intensity. They were kept awake long hours and food
was devoid of protein and variety. The result was often a planned state of intense
physiological arousal that was then ascribed to the recruit‟s “spiritual nature” (i.e.,
predestination to be a Moonist).
In ISKCON, leaders (gurus), temples and statues of divinities are ascribed great mystical
powers, as is the Hare Krishna chant. New devotees are also love-bombed. ISKCON leaders
maintain an aura of great mystical purpose, and devotees who rise within ISKCON
institutions are said to be “chosen” or “spiritually pure.” Gurus who rise to the status of
Governing Board Council members can proclaim themselves to be “spiritual masters” with
the power to engage in sin because anything they do is by definition “purified.”
Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989, Page 11
The demand for purity. In totalistic systems, the world is sharply divided into the good
and pure vs. the evil and unclean. Those outside the totalistic system are unenlightened and
therefore less than “completely human.” Leaving the cult means complete damnation.
Former ISKCON devotees have reported to me that leaving ISKCON is supposed to lower
one‟s spiritual status below that of the “spiritually ignorant” individual who has never been
exposed to Krishna Consciousness. It is especially damning to taste and then reject
spirituality. In the U.C., I was told that anyone outside the Church was “satanic” and less
than human. ISKCON refers to the non-ISKCON world as maya (illusion) and labels
nonmembers “demons.”
The cult of confession. The demand for continuous confession is related to the process
of mystical manipulation. The convert is repeatedly asked to confess his sins (real and
imagined), and although he may be rewarded for each confession, the demand to confess
does not subside. Thus, confession becomes mystified and made sacred in its own right.
The goal of this confession is self-surrender, not relief from guilt. In practice, the cult of
confession actually creates rather than alleviates guilt. In the U.C., both new recruits and
old members were strongly encourages to divulge intensely personal information to a group
of people who were essentially strangers. “Correct” confessions (e.g., past sexual relations,
experimentation with drugs) were rewarded with short-lived sympathy and attention (and,
in later stages of membership, more tangible rewards such as better work assignments) as
long as they were accompanied with the “correct” affect (i.e., guilt, shame) and
proclamations of loyalty to Sun Myung Moon. The next day, however, brought the same
demands for confession. Group confessions in the U.C. were typically accompanied by
crying, screaming, and other demonstrations of intense emotion that escalated to a nearly
orgiastic climax.
In ISKCON, devotees are also exhorted to confess continuously their transgressions to their
gurus. Ken, the cultist in my study, kept a lengthy journal specifically for this purpose.
The “sacred science.” Totalist systems proclaim their dogma to be the absolute,
complete, and eternal truth, which in turn elevates the dogma to a sacred level. Any
information that contradicts this absolute truth is therefore false by definition, and its source
is misguided at best and an enemy at worst. Questioning the sacred doctrine is forbidden.
In cults like the church of Scientology, anyone critical of official Scientology dogma is
labeled a “suppressive person” who becomes “fair game” for officially-sanctioned
harassment (Appel, 1983 Corydon &Hubbard, 1987). In ISKCON, the Prabhupada‟s version
of the Bhadavad Gita is considered the absolute and incontrovertible word of Krishna, the
supreme deity. Any information contradicting the Gita is by definition false. An example:
loyal devotees accept Prabhupada‟s Gitas‟s explanation that deities surround the earth,
residing on invisible planets in the upper atmosphere, and that it is impossible for mortals
(especially those without Krishna Consciousness) to travel beyond the level of these
planets therefore, the space programs sponsored by various nations are all elaborate
shams. The lunar landings were secretly faked by filming them in the Arizona desert.
Loading the language. Lifton (1961, p. 429) noted that “the language of the totalist
environment is characterized by the thought-terminating cliché.” In Nineteen Eighty-four,
Orwell (1954) foresaw the intimate connection between the manipulation of language and
the control of thought. He described the gradual erosion of English into a hybrid language
(“Newspeak”) devoid of variety, individual nuance and abstraction. In Orwell‟s mythical
totalistic state, the destruction of language would eventually, inevitably lead to the
destruction of all free thought.
Destructive cults typically evolve an elaborate and idiosyncratic terminology that is used to
answer quickly and simplistically any doubts, and terminate any troublesome questioning.
In ISKCON, a variety of Hindu words are employed to denigrate nonmembers and their
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