Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3, Nos. 2 &3, 2004, Page 98
from the community. The Game was offered as a powerful, albeit traumatic, means of self-
exploration. Obviously it also served as a blunt instrument of punishment and control.
In 1968, Dederich formally re-conceptualized Synanon as a communal living experiment
open to all. Entry required attending ―boot camp‖ complete with sleep loss, vigorous
exercise and other humiliating initiation activities. Game ―marathons‖ lasting over 24 hours
became common at this point. (Gerstel, 1984). By 1975 Dederich had declared Synanon to
be a religion, renounced his vows of poverty, allocated himself a substantial salary, and
established a luxury residence for himself and his entourage. Dederich could broadcast at
will to all Synanon locations and used this communication system, ―the wire,‖ to humiliate
any Synanon member who displeased him (e.g., Gerstel, 1984).
Promiscuous sexual activity at Synanon had long been tolerated and by 1977, was actively
encouraged as a means of establishing ―mutual love‖ among group members (Gerstel,
1984). Dederich‘s power was reflected in the effectiveness of this edict even among married
members as well as his success encouraging abortion and vasectomies for group members
(Ofshe, 1980). By the mid 1970‘s, the group abandoned non-violence and formed armed
security details designed to ―protect‖ the group from outsiders as well as to discipline unruly
members --particularly resistant adolescents. By 1975, these security personnel had
engaged in physical attacks on local neighbors, the beating of an ex-Synanon member, and
a case in which an ―enemy‖ attorney was bitten by a rattlesnake placed in his mailbox—a
crime that eventually resulted in Dederich's accepting a plea bargain of five years probation
(Gerstel, 1984). Synanon then lost a series of lawsuits stemming from the physical assaults
made by the group. The IRS revoked their tax-exempt status in 1986. Synanon was
formally disbanded in 1991, and in 1997 Chuck Dederich died of heart and lung failure in
California where he was living in a trailer park (Yee, 1997).
Theoretical Analyses of Synanon
Social Identity Theory
In accord with a social identity view, group salience in Synanon was high given the
residential nature of membership. Similarly, given the initiation ordeals, it is safe to
assume that among those who chose to remain, group commitment and identification were
very high (Baron, 2001 Pratkanis &Aronson, 2000). Moreover, the intense mortification
process entailed in Gaming, recurrently encountered by both neophytes and veterans, was
specifically designed to challenge members‘ feelings of esteem and self-efficacy—conditions
we have emphasized earlier as facilitating conditions for group identification. Given that
Dederich lived among the other members, participated in Games on a weekly basis, and for
years did not take obvious material advantage of his leadership position, one could argue
that he was viewed as a prototypic group member. Thus, Dederich was deeply admired
within the group and his opinions on a wide range of issues (from sexual promiscuity to the
need for brutal mutual criticism) defined normative opinion and behavior within the group.
In addition, Dederich took positions that differentiated him from those outside the group on
a number of issues (e.g., private property, promiscuity). Thus, conforming to his
―prototypic‖ opinions helped establish the distinction between Synanon members and those
outside the group. In short, in several respects, Dederich‘s leadership style corresponds to
that outlined by social identity theory.
However, as above, Dederich did not emerge as a leader because his attitudes and
behaviors happened to correspond to prototypic group norms. Rather, as creator of the
group, such norms were defined by whichever opinions and actions he favored. This fact
does not correspond to the analysis offered by (Hogg, 2001). In addition, while there is little
doubt that Dederich‘s leadership stemmed in part from his prototypic status as Hogg‘s
analysis maintains, it is clear that Dederich aura of charisma was to his abilities as a
speaker, manager, and innovator, over and above any attributional bias on the part of his
from the community. The Game was offered as a powerful, albeit traumatic, means of self-
exploration. Obviously it also served as a blunt instrument of punishment and control.
In 1968, Dederich formally re-conceptualized Synanon as a communal living experiment
open to all. Entry required attending ―boot camp‖ complete with sleep loss, vigorous
exercise and other humiliating initiation activities. Game ―marathons‖ lasting over 24 hours
became common at this point. (Gerstel, 1984). By 1975 Dederich had declared Synanon to
be a religion, renounced his vows of poverty, allocated himself a substantial salary, and
established a luxury residence for himself and his entourage. Dederich could broadcast at
will to all Synanon locations and used this communication system, ―the wire,‖ to humiliate
any Synanon member who displeased him (e.g., Gerstel, 1984).
Promiscuous sexual activity at Synanon had long been tolerated and by 1977, was actively
encouraged as a means of establishing ―mutual love‖ among group members (Gerstel,
1984). Dederich‘s power was reflected in the effectiveness of this edict even among married
members as well as his success encouraging abortion and vasectomies for group members
(Ofshe, 1980). By the mid 1970‘s, the group abandoned non-violence and formed armed
security details designed to ―protect‖ the group from outsiders as well as to discipline unruly
members --particularly resistant adolescents. By 1975, these security personnel had
engaged in physical attacks on local neighbors, the beating of an ex-Synanon member, and
a case in which an ―enemy‖ attorney was bitten by a rattlesnake placed in his mailbox—a
crime that eventually resulted in Dederich's accepting a plea bargain of five years probation
(Gerstel, 1984). Synanon then lost a series of lawsuits stemming from the physical assaults
made by the group. The IRS revoked their tax-exempt status in 1986. Synanon was
formally disbanded in 1991, and in 1997 Chuck Dederich died of heart and lung failure in
California where he was living in a trailer park (Yee, 1997).
Theoretical Analyses of Synanon
Social Identity Theory
In accord with a social identity view, group salience in Synanon was high given the
residential nature of membership. Similarly, given the initiation ordeals, it is safe to
assume that among those who chose to remain, group commitment and identification were
very high (Baron, 2001 Pratkanis &Aronson, 2000). Moreover, the intense mortification
process entailed in Gaming, recurrently encountered by both neophytes and veterans, was
specifically designed to challenge members‘ feelings of esteem and self-efficacy—conditions
we have emphasized earlier as facilitating conditions for group identification. Given that
Dederich lived among the other members, participated in Games on a weekly basis, and for
years did not take obvious material advantage of his leadership position, one could argue
that he was viewed as a prototypic group member. Thus, Dederich was deeply admired
within the group and his opinions on a wide range of issues (from sexual promiscuity to the
need for brutal mutual criticism) defined normative opinion and behavior within the group.
In addition, Dederich took positions that differentiated him from those outside the group on
a number of issues (e.g., private property, promiscuity). Thus, conforming to his
―prototypic‖ opinions helped establish the distinction between Synanon members and those
outside the group. In short, in several respects, Dederich‘s leadership style corresponds to
that outlined by social identity theory.
However, as above, Dederich did not emerge as a leader because his attitudes and
behaviors happened to correspond to prototypic group norms. Rather, as creator of the
group, such norms were defined by whichever opinions and actions he favored. This fact
does not correspond to the analysis offered by (Hogg, 2001). In addition, while there is little
doubt that Dederich‘s leadership stemmed in part from his prototypic status as Hogg‘s
analysis maintains, it is clear that Dederich aura of charisma was to his abilities as a
speaker, manager, and innovator, over and above any attributional bias on the part of his
