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from the community. The Game was offered as a powerful, albeit traumatic, means of self-
exploration. Obviously it also served as a blunt instrument of punishment and control.
In 1968, Dederich formally re-conceptualized Synanon as a communal living experiment
open to all. Entry required attending ―boot camp‖ complete with sleep loss, vigorous
exercise and other humiliating initiation activities. Game ―marathons‖ lasting over 24 hours
became common at this point. (Gerstel, 1984). By 1975 Dederich had declared Synanon to
be a religion, renounced his vows of poverty, allocated himself a substantial salary, and
established a luxury residence for himself and his entourage. Dederich could broadcast at
will to all Synanon locations and used this communication system, ―the wire,‖ to humiliate
any Synanon member who displeased him (e.g., Gerstel, 1984).
Promiscuous sexual activity at Synanon had long been tolerated and by 1977, was actively
encouraged as a means of establishing ―mutual love‖ among group members (Gerstel,
1984). Dederich‘s power was reflected in the effectiveness of this edict even among married
members as well as his success encouraging abortion and vasectomies for group members
(Ofshe, 1980). By the mid 1970‘s, the group abandoned non-violence and formed armed
security details designed to ―protect‖ the group from outsiders as well as to discipline unruly
members --particularly resistant adolescents. By 1975, these security personnel had
engaged in physical attacks on local neighbors, the beating of an ex-Synanon member, and
a case in which an ―enemy‖ attorney was bitten by a rattlesnake placed in his mailbox—a
crime that eventually resulted in Dederich's accepting a plea bargain of five years probation
(Gerstel, 1984). Synanon then lost a series of lawsuits stemming from the physical assaults
made by the group. The IRS revoked their tax-exempt status in 1986. Synanon was
formally disbanded in 1991, and in 1997 Chuck Dederich died of heart and lung failure in
California where he was living in a trailer park (Yee, 1997).
Theoretical Analyses of Synanon
Social Identity Theory
In accord with a social identity view, group salience in Synanon was high given the
residential nature of membership. Similarly, given the initiation ordeals, it is safe to
assume that among those who chose to remain, group commitment and identification were
very high (Baron, 2001 Pratkanis &Aronson, 2000). Moreover, the intense mortification
process entailed in Gaming, recurrently encountered by both neophytes and veterans, was
specifically designed to challenge members‘ feelings of esteem and self-efficacy—conditions
we have emphasized earlier as facilitating conditions for group identification. Given that
Dederich lived among the other members, participated in Games on a weekly basis, and for
years did not take obvious material advantage of his leadership position, one could argue
that he was viewed as a prototypic group member. Thus, Dederich was deeply admired
within the group and his opinions on a wide range of issues (from sexual promiscuity to the
need for brutal mutual criticism) defined normative opinion and behavior within the group.
In addition, Dederich took positions that differentiated him from those outside the group on
a number of issues (e.g., private property, promiscuity). Thus, conforming to his
―prototypic‖ opinions helped establish the distinction between Synanon members and those
outside the group. In short, in several respects, Dederich‘s leadership style corresponds to
that outlined by social identity theory.
However, as above, Dederich did not emerge as a leader because his attitudes and
behaviors happened to correspond to prototypic group norms. Rather, as creator of the
group, such norms were defined by whichever opinions and actions he favored. This fact
does not correspond to the analysis offered by (Hogg, 2001). In addition, while there is little
doubt that Dederich‘s leadership stemmed in part from his prototypic status as Hogg‘s
analysis maintains, it is clear that Dederich aura of charisma was to his abilities as a
speaker, manager, and innovator, over and above any attributional bias on the part of his

Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3, Nos. 2 &3, 2004, Page 99
membership. On the other hand, Hogg‘s suggestion that leaders come to rely more on
coercive and reward power as they begin to distance themselves from the group is
congruent with the fact that Dederich expanded his use of physical discipline as he adopted
luxurious privileges not available to others. In short, the social identity perspective
corresponds in some but not all respects to the leadership history within Synanon.
Transformational Theory
One can also make a reasonable case that Dederich‘s leadership pattern represents the
pseudo-transformational style alluded to by Bass (1998). Group members stood to gain any
one of several transactional benefits, including a life free of drug addiction and crime (in the
cases of drug addict members). Dederich offered inspirational leadership, a transcendent
purpose, and individual consideration of group members. However, Dederich had little
toleration of dissent, was an expert in humiliation and criticism of his followers, focused on
punishing transgressions (as opposed to rewarding correct behavior), and was manipulative
and Machiavellian in dealing with the group. Thus, Bass‘s conception of pseudo-
transformational leadership provides a close description of Dederich‘s leadership style within
Synanon.
The Children of God
History
David Berg founded the Children of God (COG) in 1967 in California employing an anti-
establishment, fundamentalist Christian message to recruit young adults. Berg transformed
this group in a matter of thirteen years from a fundamentalist sect to an international
charismatic group that sanctioned promiscuous sexual behavior and religious prostitution.
This activity funded a luxurious lifestyle for Berg and his inner circle (Davis, 1984 Charity
Frauds Bureau Report, 1974). Berg was a man of voracious sexual appetites. In addition to
three marriages and numerous affairs, he conducted incestuous relations with his children --
a fact verified in his writings, the "MO Letters" (Berg, 1976 Davis, 1984).
Local businesses and churches were originally called upon to "provision" the group as a
means of combating drug use among the young. Many recruits did, in fact, give up sex,
drugs, and alcohol to become involved with COG in its early years (Davis, 1984). Berg
urged members to "forsake all" as a test of their faith (Berg, 1976). This commandment
provided the basis for having members donate all their material possessions to Berg‘s sect.
The group gained nationwide media attention by 1969 after initiating prayer demonstrations
at public events complete with biblical robes, wooden staffs, etc. (Davis, 1984).
By 1970 the group was located at a rural compound in Texas where recruitment techniques
became systematized. The initial recruitment of an individual usually entailed sleep
depriving the recruit with revolving indoctrination teams, and making certain that the recruit
was never left alone nor given time to reflect quietly on issues. The recruit was
continuously badgered regarding commitment to Jesus, the need to ―forsake all,‖ etc. Once
recruits signed a ―revolutionary sheet‖ donating their goods to the group, they began a
minimum of three month disciple training (Charity Frauds Bureau Report, 1974). This
training involved heavily regimented 18 hour days with religious broadcasts frequently
played all night. Each recruit was continually squired by a committed member (Davis,
1984). Each new recruit was given a new name to symbolize their spiritual rebirth.
Following the ―forsake all‖ doctrine, members were expected to break all ties with their old
lives, especially friends and family --with the exception of writing parents for funds. Time
was spent in menial work and memorizing biblical verse, etc. All members were expected to
keep diaries listing accomplishments, evil thoughts, etc. These items were revealed in
group meetings where public confessions were encouraged (Davis, 1984, 1973). In less