Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3, Nos. 2 &3, 2004, Page 152
found to contain lethal explosives. There was an oversupply of every kind of assistance,
professional and unskilled, to such a degree that a great number of potential volunteers
were excluded from helping. As in the case of September 11, the sacrifice, courage and
moving demonstrations of solidarity of so many different people from around the world,
reminded us of the human individuals' capacity to act as moral agents and carry out what
they consider a humane duty, even at their own peril (Bandura, 2002). It reminded us, as
well, of the collective human capacity to generate spontaneously new patterns of behavior,
including new definitions for such a confusing situation, instead of being guided by irrational
chain reactions (Rodríguez-Carballeira &Javaloy, 2003).
Inevitably, several questions arise when trying to cope with the consequences of such acts
and attempting to understand the nature of the ―sick‖ or ―perverted‖ minds which have
perpetrated so much indiscriminate destruction. Further details of the lives of the bombers
prior to the attacks, describing normal behaviors and interactions with their targeted society
members, led us to describe those voluntary executioners (Goldhagen, 1998) as ―hidden
abnormal people‖ (Cadena Ser Radio, May 14, 2004), although previous literature
evidenced how ―disturbingly normal‖ most terrorists seem when interviewed (Hoffman,
1999 Juergensmeyer, 2001).
In such times and scenarios, we, as social scientists, are particularly responsible for
addressing these seemingly incomprehensible paradoxes, for describing phenomena and
offering explanations and, in this way, giving back to society as a whole what we have
learned thanks to its support (Cialdini, 1997). This is especially important if we are to avoid
biased responses and formulas that could lead us to buy into simple solutions to complex
situations, disregarding the effects of the actions we take or support and thus perpetuating
the cycle of violence.
Dr. Erdely‘s book Terrorismo Religioso provides a prompt and competent response to this
need for information. Written shortly after the 9/11 tragedy, the book‘s stated goal is to
bring us closer to a coherent explanation, and it certainly provides tools to understand the
growing incidence of fanatic religious behavior and ritual suicides. According to the author,
9/11 was not an isolated event that took place in a vacuum, but has a historical context and
a contemporary global dimension that antedates both 9/11 and the more recent Madrid
bombings. Hence, he argues, such a topic needs to be addressed from a multidisciplinary
approach if proper understanding of its causes is to be achieved.
Although many of the abundant essays written on terrorism and 9/11 talked about
―programmed.‖ Indoctrinated, or deceived suicidal terrorists, most of them do so
superficially and sometimes in a sensationalist way due, from my point of view, to low skills
on cult-related issues. The author of Terrorismo Religioso is a person whose focus over the
last years has been the study of religious manipulation in totalitarian groups. Dr. Erdely
avoids repeating many of the descriptions of 9/11 widely spread by commercial media,
focusing instead on relevant aspects to achieve the above mentioned purpose, as well as
explain the foundations of such behaviors.
Dr. Erdely is a member in good standing of the Latin American Association for the Study of
Religions, the regional chapter of the International Association for the History of Religion
(IAHR). His academic credentials include a degree in Biological Sciences with a
concentration in Psychology. He also holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy and a three year graduate
specialization in Semitic languages. In 2001-2002 he was a postdoctoral Research Fellow in
Theology at Oxford University in the United Kingdom. He is the author of several books and
research papers on cult-related topics and edits Revista Académica para el Estudio de las
Religiones, an indexed, peer-reviewed journal focused on the study of religious globalization
and human rights in Latin America.

Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3, Nos. 2 &3, 2004, Page 153
In the first two chapters of the book, Dr. Erdely introduces the issue of ―collective suicide
rituals‖ and ―suicide-homicides‖ as a relatively recent phenomenon, starting well into the
20th century. He offers a concise review of the several ―apocalyptic scenarios‖ (title of his
second chapter) that have occurred since Jim Jones‘ mass suicide/assassination in Guyana
in 1978. He describes also violent attacks on society at-large, such as that of the Aum
Shinrikyo sect releasing nerve gas in a Tokyo subway in 1995. The ―apocalyptic scenarios‖
end with the terrorist attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 9/11.
He provides a detailed description of the events surrounding the massive murder-suicide
that took place at Kanungu, Uganda, on March 17, 2000. About 530 members of the
―Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God‖ lost their lives when
their church was set on fire. Approximately the same number of people was found in several
mass graves in and around the homes of cult leaders during the following days. An offshoot
of the Catholic Church, the movement was an apparitionist cult which had predicted that the
world would come to an end on December 31, 1999. When such a revealed prophecy failed
to occur, a new date was announced: March, 17, 2000. Part of the valuable information
provided by the author, discusses whether to describe the events of March 17 as ritual
suicide or as mass murder. He describes evidence supporting the first, and concludes that
what took place at Kanungu was a religious ceremony that aimed to usher followers into a
different dimension of existence, leading to the subsequent church inferno. The author
underlines the secrecy factor among members and nonmembers that permitted such an
atrocity as the systematic and seemingly unnoticed disappearance of hundreds of dissident
members and their families prior to March 17, actions that must have been carried out with
the collaboration of some followers. This was achieved ―by merely using words.‖ The author
concludes by advising us not to underestimate the power of religious ideologies and
discourse that can turn people either into ―human torches‖ or ―suicide warriors‖.
The third chapter introduces us to the ―theology of ritual suicide.‖ It explores several
possible reasons that could drive individuals to commit suicide, and does so taking into
account clinical aspects as well as historical events and cultural traditions. The most
frequent cause of common suicide is clinical depression. Suicide may also be employed in
war contexts to escape capture or torture by an enemy. In some cultures, suicide is used to
avoid facing public disgrace, or as an individual act to protest publicly against political or
military oppression. The author differentiates between individual actions of self-immolation,
like the above mentioned, and suicides as rituals within a given belief system, behaviors
that are carried out as an end in themselves to achieve a religious goal, frequently on the
―way to the everlasting paradise.‖ He explores the mechanisms through which critical
judgment can be inhibited and provides useful references and examples of psychological
manipulation. Especially interesting is the author‘s explanation that there is no religious
tradition exempt from being twisted to end in a suicide ideology. This observation prevents
us from unfair generalizations that end up blaming a particular religious faith or even
culture as the root cause of the actions of terrorists groups. Reinforcing that observation is
the diversity of religious backgrounds of notorious groups in recent history which have
engaged in ritual mass suicide and/or religiously motivated terrorist attacks against society.
Thus, this phenomenon of violence goes far beyond the concrete theologies from which they
are supposedly derived. The author concludes the chapter by describing what he has found
to be the necessary factors present in such episodes:
1. A messianic leadership
2. A group of people ready to obey unconditionally
3. A trigger event.
The next three chapters define and elaborate on those three factors. Then the author
applies this analytical framework to Al Qaeda and the Taliban to see if they fit the model.