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than two years, the group grew from 200 to almost 2,000 members. By 1974, the group
had over 100 enclaves in various countries (Charity Frauds Bureau Report, 1974).
From 1970 until his death in 1994, Berg was rarely seen by his followers as he took up
residence in various locations from Europe to the South Pacific. To manage the group and
its activities, he began in the early 1970‘s to communicate with the group via the "MO
letters‖ a series of diatribes in ―bible-speak‖ that ranged in topic from direct prophecies
from God to attacks on particular individuals. By mid-1971 the Parents and friends of group
members formed Free-COG, an anti-cult organization. Such groups, provided the COG with
necessary outgroups that could be vilified in MO letters. Defectors were threatened with
harsh penalties. Berg preached that those who left the group would give birth to deformed
children—a belief generally accepted within the group.
The evolution of the Children of God into a sex cult began in 1971. Originally the COG had
a very puritanical position regarding sex (Davis, 1984). In mid-1971, Berg used a Biblical
quote to argue that ―all things were lawful‖ for any who were true and faithful Christians.
Rank and file members learned of the sexual implications of this policy gradually so as to
not shock them. Over time the formerly chaste and sexually segregated members of the
group began to experiment with sex. By 1974, the sexual promiscuity in the group
escalated to the practice of ―flirty fishing,‖ i.e., using sexual behavior to recruit new
members and to raise funds (Davis, 1984). Berg lived abroad until his death in 1994. The
Children of God are still active and now refer to themselves as The Family
(www.thefamily.org).
Theoretical Analyses of the Children of God:
Social Identity Theory
Both group salience and group identification within the Children of God were very high. The
fact that members were generally accompanied by a buddy or partner when not in the
group compound, the use of group jargon (e.g., flirting fishing, forsaking all, etc.) and the
communal living arrangements of the group made group membership almost constantly
salient. Given the sacrifices made by group members in terms of forsaking material goods
and past relationships, members strongly identified with the COG and used it as a key
source of self-identification. Berg‘s beliefs as expressed in the "MO Letters" defined what
was normative within the group. Berg seemed quite distinct from the rank and file
membership. In Berg‘s case this separateness stemmed from his age, his Ministerial status,
and his ―ability‖ as prophet. Indeed, after four or five years, he was rarely seen by
members. As group founder, Berg‘s leadership did not emerge because his views happened
to coincide with prototypic group norms. Rather, Berg took pains to mold the views of his
members, albeit gradually, to match his own so that they became prototypic via
manipulation. He apparently did not come to rely more on coercive or reward-based power
as he grew more distant and distinct from his membership. In this respect his behavior
does not confirm the suggestions made by Hogg regarding such issues. However, the
evolution of group doctrine from literal biblical interpretation to doomsday prophesy, and
eventually to sexual adventurism, does represent the type of change in prototypic position
alluded to by a social identity perspective as a means of maintaining power.
Transformational Theory
Berg‘s leadership behavior provides numerous matches to Bass‘s description of the pseudo-
transformational style. In terms of transaction, membership in the COG provided young
recruits with the option of rebellion with a purpose. Serious young Christians were provided
with an opportunity for establishing, beyond a doubt, their commitment to Jesus. Confused
and alienated teenagers were offered structure, discipline, a sense of importance and
meaning, and a sense of acceptance and belonging (Davis, 1984). In terms of messianic

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elements, Berg offered innovative ideas and an inspiring message. However, in accord with
the pseudo-transformational style, his reactions and behavior were not easily customized to
reflect the individual desires and abilities of members, nor could he offer highly contingent
reinforcement. He did not ignore his own self-interest, used reactive (punishment based)
control, was highly intolerant of dissent or of member innovation, and hardly could be called
a person whose moral sense was impeccable. Rather than an optimistic approach, he relied
on fear based manipulations to redirect norms and behavior within his fiefdom. In short,
there exists reasonable correspondence between Berg‘s leadership style and the pseudo-
transformational style described by Bass (1998).
Alteration of Goals and Policy as a Leadership Tactic in Totalist Groups: Group Life
as Drama
One distinctive feature marking the groups we have discussed is that all three groups
seemed to be in a state of evolutionary flux—a characteristic marking many totalist groups
(Hoffer, 1951 Sargant, 1957). In such groups, leaders commonly change the group
doctrine and even group definition. One possible interpretation of this change is that it
represents a tactic used by leaders to remain ―one step ahead‖ of the membership in terms
of being a prototypic group member (Hogg, 2001). One fact that is congruent with this
view is that these norms tend to change so that they define positions that heighten the
distinction between the in-group and salient out-groups --a key process according to a
social identity perspective. This was certainly true in the three groups examined in this
chapter, and also tends to be true in other totalist groups, as well (Kelly, 1995).
An equally plausible interpretation of such induced change is that it creates a sense of
mystery regarding group doctrine. Such mystery would maintain the leader‘s status as
expert and necessary interpreter of that doctrine. A related reason leaders may encourage
or generate such change is that it fosters feelings of excitement, growth and challenge
thereby holding the interest of group members. This idea suggests that attraction to such
groups is, in part, a function of the drama and excitement it provides for members. This
―drama‖ interpretation has some similarity with the Transformational perspective in that
such excitement would heighten the extent to which the leader was seen as an inspirational,
and innovative leader, i.e., as a source of such drama and diversion.
However, theories of leadership and group process have heretofore not emphasized the
notion that drama-based excitement is a benefit that often is provided by group life. In
addition to serving this diversion function, a change in group doctrine provides leaders with
a ―loyalty test‖ that can be applied to the followers by instituting change, the leader can
discern who is committed enough to embrace whatever transformation of group purpose
and group values is introduced. Such tests can be used to discern who should be rewarded,
trusted, punished, banished, or manipulated. This assures that those remaining closest to
power will be likely to comply with the leader‘s interpretations and commands. Finally,
inducing changes in doctrine, goals, etc. provides the leader with a means of eliciting a
series of ―escalating commitments‖ from followers. Repetitive, and costly personal
transformations represent an effective means of creating cognitive dissonance among
disciples thereby heightening members‘ loyalty and commitment to the group and its leader
(Baron, 2000 Pratkanis &Aronson, 2000).
Summary and Conclusions
We have considered three groups that have certain superficial differences but a number of
disturbing commonalties. First, transformational change is a theme common to these three
groups. A second common feature is that Bass‘s description of pseudo-transformational
leadership provides a reasonable fit to these three case histories, especially given the
nature of the morally questionable, self-centered and manipulative charismatic style
adopted by these leaders. Third, all three groups exposed members to stressful and