Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 3, Nos. 2 &3, 2004, Page 100
than two years, the group grew from 200 to almost 2,000 members. By 1974, the group
had over 100 enclaves in various countries (Charity Frauds Bureau Report, 1974).
From 1970 until his death in 1994, Berg was rarely seen by his followers as he took up
residence in various locations from Europe to the South Pacific. To manage the group and
its activities, he began in the early 1970‘s to communicate with the group via the "MO
letters‖ a series of diatribes in ―bible-speak‖ that ranged in topic from direct prophecies
from God to attacks on particular individuals. By mid-1971 the Parents and friends of group
members formed Free-COG, an anti-cult organization. Such groups, provided the COG with
necessary outgroups that could be vilified in MO letters. Defectors were threatened with
harsh penalties. Berg preached that those who left the group would give birth to deformed
children—a belief generally accepted within the group.
The evolution of the Children of God into a sex cult began in 1971. Originally the COG had
a very puritanical position regarding sex (Davis, 1984). In mid-1971, Berg used a Biblical
quote to argue that ―all things were lawful‖ for any who were true and faithful Christians.
Rank and file members learned of the sexual implications of this policy gradually so as to
not shock them. Over time the formerly chaste and sexually segregated members of the
group began to experiment with sex. By 1974, the sexual promiscuity in the group
escalated to the practice of ―flirty fishing,‖ i.e., using sexual behavior to recruit new
members and to raise funds (Davis, 1984). Berg lived abroad until his death in 1994. The
Children of God are still active and now refer to themselves as The Family
(www.thefamily.org).
Theoretical Analyses of the Children of God:
Social Identity Theory
Both group salience and group identification within the Children of God were very high. The
fact that members were generally accompanied by a buddy or partner when not in the
group compound, the use of group jargon (e.g., flirting fishing, forsaking all, etc.) and the
communal living arrangements of the group made group membership almost constantly
salient. Given the sacrifices made by group members in terms of forsaking material goods
and past relationships, members strongly identified with the COG and used it as a key
source of self-identification. Berg‘s beliefs as expressed in the "MO Letters" defined what
was normative within the group. Berg seemed quite distinct from the rank and file
membership. In Berg‘s case this separateness stemmed from his age, his Ministerial status,
and his ―ability‖ as prophet. Indeed, after four or five years, he was rarely seen by
members. As group founder, Berg‘s leadership did not emerge because his views happened
to coincide with prototypic group norms. Rather, Berg took pains to mold the views of his
members, albeit gradually, to match his own so that they became prototypic via
manipulation. He apparently did not come to rely more on coercive or reward-based power
as he grew more distant and distinct from his membership. In this respect his behavior
does not confirm the suggestions made by Hogg regarding such issues. However, the
evolution of group doctrine from literal biblical interpretation to doomsday prophesy, and
eventually to sexual adventurism, does represent the type of change in prototypic position
alluded to by a social identity perspective as a means of maintaining power.
Transformational Theory
Berg‘s leadership behavior provides numerous matches to Bass‘s description of the pseudo-
transformational style. In terms of transaction, membership in the COG provided young
recruits with the option of rebellion with a purpose. Serious young Christians were provided
with an opportunity for establishing, beyond a doubt, their commitment to Jesus. Confused
and alienated teenagers were offered structure, discipline, a sense of importance and
meaning, and a sense of acceptance and belonging (Davis, 1984). In terms of messianic
than two years, the group grew from 200 to almost 2,000 members. By 1974, the group
had over 100 enclaves in various countries (Charity Frauds Bureau Report, 1974).
From 1970 until his death in 1994, Berg was rarely seen by his followers as he took up
residence in various locations from Europe to the South Pacific. To manage the group and
its activities, he began in the early 1970‘s to communicate with the group via the "MO
letters‖ a series of diatribes in ―bible-speak‖ that ranged in topic from direct prophecies
from God to attacks on particular individuals. By mid-1971 the Parents and friends of group
members formed Free-COG, an anti-cult organization. Such groups, provided the COG with
necessary outgroups that could be vilified in MO letters. Defectors were threatened with
harsh penalties. Berg preached that those who left the group would give birth to deformed
children—a belief generally accepted within the group.
The evolution of the Children of God into a sex cult began in 1971. Originally the COG had
a very puritanical position regarding sex (Davis, 1984). In mid-1971, Berg used a Biblical
quote to argue that ―all things were lawful‖ for any who were true and faithful Christians.
Rank and file members learned of the sexual implications of this policy gradually so as to
not shock them. Over time the formerly chaste and sexually segregated members of the
group began to experiment with sex. By 1974, the sexual promiscuity in the group
escalated to the practice of ―flirty fishing,‖ i.e., using sexual behavior to recruit new
members and to raise funds (Davis, 1984). Berg lived abroad until his death in 1994. The
Children of God are still active and now refer to themselves as The Family
(www.thefamily.org).
Theoretical Analyses of the Children of God:
Social Identity Theory
Both group salience and group identification within the Children of God were very high. The
fact that members were generally accompanied by a buddy or partner when not in the
group compound, the use of group jargon (e.g., flirting fishing, forsaking all, etc.) and the
communal living arrangements of the group made group membership almost constantly
salient. Given the sacrifices made by group members in terms of forsaking material goods
and past relationships, members strongly identified with the COG and used it as a key
source of self-identification. Berg‘s beliefs as expressed in the "MO Letters" defined what
was normative within the group. Berg seemed quite distinct from the rank and file
membership. In Berg‘s case this separateness stemmed from his age, his Ministerial status,
and his ―ability‖ as prophet. Indeed, after four or five years, he was rarely seen by
members. As group founder, Berg‘s leadership did not emerge because his views happened
to coincide with prototypic group norms. Rather, Berg took pains to mold the views of his
members, albeit gradually, to match his own so that they became prototypic via
manipulation. He apparently did not come to rely more on coercive or reward-based power
as he grew more distant and distinct from his membership. In this respect his behavior
does not confirm the suggestions made by Hogg regarding such issues. However, the
evolution of group doctrine from literal biblical interpretation to doomsday prophesy, and
eventually to sexual adventurism, does represent the type of change in prototypic position
alluded to by a social identity perspective as a means of maintaining power.
Transformational Theory
Berg‘s leadership behavior provides numerous matches to Bass‘s description of the pseudo-
transformational style. In terms of transaction, membership in the COG provided young
recruits with the option of rebellion with a purpose. Serious young Christians were provided
with an opportunity for establishing, beyond a doubt, their commitment to Jesus. Confused
and alienated teenagers were offered structure, discipline, a sense of importance and
meaning, and a sense of acceptance and belonging (Davis, 1984). In terms of messianic
