Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2002, Page 98
suggest that the process of disengagement from the group is what is detrimental to the
individual‘s well-being (Walsh et al., 1995 Wright, 1991). Merely being away from the
group does not produce psychopathology. The struggle to reject previously held beliefs, and
the need to engage in high-level decision making prior to disengagement, might contribute
to the development of symptomatology.
Although well-publicized deaths have been associated with cults, such as homicidal and
suicidal behaviors that occur in relation to group beliefs or because of external threat (e.g.,
Lasaga, 1980 Nishida, 2001 Robinson, 1997), it seems that homicide as a means of
disengaging from a cultic group has received less attention.
In this paper we will describe a case of a young man who was charged with and found guilty
of the murder of the leader of a group of which the young man was a member. We will show
that the characteristics of the group suggested a cultic influence.
Others (e.g., Tunnell and Cox, 1995) have endorsed a single case-study approach to the
examination of motives for homicide. We obtained information about this young man as part
of a larger research project examining motives for homicide that two of the authors
undertook with the approval of the University of Tasmania Research Ethics Committee and
the relevant government agencies. They obtained written informed consent from the
participant for publication of this material.
The Case
The perpetrator of the homicide, named Matthew, was the middle child of working-class
parents. Matthew was of less than average height and of average build. He had a fair
complexion, short-cropped and balding hair, and wore glasses. His general demeanor was
unassuming, and during interview and assessment he was obliging and eager to please.
Matthew‘s parents divorced when he was 10 years old, and he continued to reside with his
mother. The family frequently moved, living in city, suburban, and rural areas in Tasmania.
Matthew was a quiet and unassuming child, and his schooling was without incident. The
frequent moves during his childhood and adolescence would not have allowed for stability of
school peer relationships. He completed his education at the end of high school and
obtained employment at the age of 16 years. Matthew was continuously employed in
manual labor and sales positions until his arrest. He had no history of serious medical
problems and no evidence of psychological disturbance prior to his involvement in the
group.
During his early twenties, Matthew was introduced to the victim, Kane, who encouraged him
to join a group. Kane, a middle-aged man who was known to police and who was a
somewhat colorful character, led the group. This man called the group members ―ninja
warriors,‖ and the main purpose of the group was to become proficient in martial arts so
that when it became necessary to rise against the government, the group would be
prepared to do so.
Kane‘s parents had started their own religious group, and they ran a boarding house that
was decorated as a medieval residence. Kane had married and was the father of three
children, although he was living separately from his wife at the time of his death. He was
highly proficient at martial arts, and Matthew had witnessed the ferocity with which Kane
applied his skills against people who displeased him. An interesting note is that post-
mortem examination identified a structural abnormality of the left temporal pole of Kane‘s
brain. Anger and anxiety have been demonstrated to elicit left temporal lobe activity
(Kimbrell et al., 1999). Temporal lobe abnormalities have been associated with
aggressiveness and violence (Amen, Stubblefield, Carmichael, &Thisted, 1996 Wong,
Lumsden, Fenton, &Fenwick, 1994), and delusions (Liddle, 1997 Trimble, 1992),
suggest that the process of disengagement from the group is what is detrimental to the
individual‘s well-being (Walsh et al., 1995 Wright, 1991). Merely being away from the
group does not produce psychopathology. The struggle to reject previously held beliefs, and
the need to engage in high-level decision making prior to disengagement, might contribute
to the development of symptomatology.
Although well-publicized deaths have been associated with cults, such as homicidal and
suicidal behaviors that occur in relation to group beliefs or because of external threat (e.g.,
Lasaga, 1980 Nishida, 2001 Robinson, 1997), it seems that homicide as a means of
disengaging from a cultic group has received less attention.
In this paper we will describe a case of a young man who was charged with and found guilty
of the murder of the leader of a group of which the young man was a member. We will show
that the characteristics of the group suggested a cultic influence.
Others (e.g., Tunnell and Cox, 1995) have endorsed a single case-study approach to the
examination of motives for homicide. We obtained information about this young man as part
of a larger research project examining motives for homicide that two of the authors
undertook with the approval of the University of Tasmania Research Ethics Committee and
the relevant government agencies. They obtained written informed consent from the
participant for publication of this material.
The Case
The perpetrator of the homicide, named Matthew, was the middle child of working-class
parents. Matthew was of less than average height and of average build. He had a fair
complexion, short-cropped and balding hair, and wore glasses. His general demeanor was
unassuming, and during interview and assessment he was obliging and eager to please.
Matthew‘s parents divorced when he was 10 years old, and he continued to reside with his
mother. The family frequently moved, living in city, suburban, and rural areas in Tasmania.
Matthew was a quiet and unassuming child, and his schooling was without incident. The
frequent moves during his childhood and adolescence would not have allowed for stability of
school peer relationships. He completed his education at the end of high school and
obtained employment at the age of 16 years. Matthew was continuously employed in
manual labor and sales positions until his arrest. He had no history of serious medical
problems and no evidence of psychological disturbance prior to his involvement in the
group.
During his early twenties, Matthew was introduced to the victim, Kane, who encouraged him
to join a group. Kane, a middle-aged man who was known to police and who was a
somewhat colorful character, led the group. This man called the group members ―ninja
warriors,‖ and the main purpose of the group was to become proficient in martial arts so
that when it became necessary to rise against the government, the group would be
prepared to do so.
Kane‘s parents had started their own religious group, and they ran a boarding house that
was decorated as a medieval residence. Kane had married and was the father of three
children, although he was living separately from his wife at the time of his death. He was
highly proficient at martial arts, and Matthew had witnessed the ferocity with which Kane
applied his skills against people who displeased him. An interesting note is that post-
mortem examination identified a structural abnormality of the left temporal pole of Kane‘s
brain. Anger and anxiety have been demonstrated to elicit left temporal lobe activity
(Kimbrell et al., 1999). Temporal lobe abnormalities have been associated with
aggressiveness and violence (Amen, Stubblefield, Carmichael, &Thisted, 1996 Wong,
Lumsden, Fenton, &Fenwick, 1994), and delusions (Liddle, 1997 Trimble, 1992),
