Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 5, No. 1, 2006, Page 58
(in which the spectacle of many agreeing to a position irrationally convinces each person
that it must be accurate), the absence of feedback loops reinforces belief in the sacred
vision of the leader.
Thus, a corporate vision whose truth is held to be self evident, which is complex in both
form and function, whose tenets cannot be questioned, and whose acceptance is assumed
to be indispensable for the organization‘s salvation has the potential to provide considerable
intellectual stimulation, and unleash passionate forms of ideological totalism.
The Case of Enron
Enron‘s vision was secular in nature, but within that framework became all encompassing.
In essence, it promised people heaven on earth. If the company were to achieve its goals,
unimagined wealth and happiness would be the lot of those fortunate enough to be
employees at the time. This frequently led to hubris. The company‘s annual report for 2000
typified the tone of fantasy increasingly emanating from those at the top:
We believe wholesale gas and power in North America, Europe and Japan will
grow from a $660 billion market to a $1.7 trillion market over the next
several years. Retail energy services in the United States and Europe have
the potential to grow from $180 billion to $765 billion in the not-so-distant
future. Broadband‘s prospective global growth is huge – it should increase
from just $17 billion today to $1.4 trillion within five years. Taken together,
these markets present a £3.9 trillion opportunity for Enron, and we have just
scratched the surface.‖ (cited by Cruver, 2003, p.45)
Around this time, Enron draped a huge banner at its entrance, proclaiming its latest vision –
―FROM THE WORLD‘S LEADING ENERGY COMPANY – TO THE WORLD‘S LEADING
COMPANY.‖ Such hyperbole was a normal part of Enron‘s discourse. Craig and Amernic
(2004) have highlighted numerous examples of its presence in letters to shareholders,
which as they point out also made use of the language of war, sport and extremism, to
reinforce the potency of what was a compelling and totalistic vision of the most dramatic
kind. Extraordinary goals, set by the leaders, encourage group members to regard their
group as being particularly special and engender a sense of privilege and uniqueness among
those who belong (Lalich, 2004), as do images of the organisation being at war with
everyone else.
The wealth that could be made within Enron further encouraged feelings among employees
that they faced a much more exalted destiny than that of people who worked for other
companies. For those who achieved their goals, huge bonuses were available – to such an
extent that Houston‘s luxury car dealers habitually visited Enron to exhibit their products
every bonus period (Prentice, 2003). Largesse was also extended to employees‘ families.
The prevailing philosophy, as Cruver (1003, p.191) summarised it, was that ―If you were
smart enough and tough enough to work at Enron, you deserved to live like last year‘s
Oscar winner.‖ The consistent message to employees was that they were the brightest and
the best, that they were greatly favoured by being selected to work at Enron, and that they
were now charged with an evangelical mission of transforming how business conducted
itself in the world. All accounts describe it as an intensely stimulating environment – to the
point where many wondered how they could ever bear to work anywhere else again (e.g.
Cruver, 2003). For those who bought into such messages, it followed that extraordinary,
and almost cultic, levels of commitment were required.
Thus, work regimes of up to eighty hours a week were regarded as normal. Employees
sacrificed their today in the hope of a better tomorrow. But, given the demands, ―Skilling
hired people who were very young, because very young people did not insist on coming in
at nine or leaving at five, or on keeping things as they had always been, or, for that matter,
(in which the spectacle of many agreeing to a position irrationally convinces each person
that it must be accurate), the absence of feedback loops reinforces belief in the sacred
vision of the leader.
Thus, a corporate vision whose truth is held to be self evident, which is complex in both
form and function, whose tenets cannot be questioned, and whose acceptance is assumed
to be indispensable for the organization‘s salvation has the potential to provide considerable
intellectual stimulation, and unleash passionate forms of ideological totalism.
The Case of Enron
Enron‘s vision was secular in nature, but within that framework became all encompassing.
In essence, it promised people heaven on earth. If the company were to achieve its goals,
unimagined wealth and happiness would be the lot of those fortunate enough to be
employees at the time. This frequently led to hubris. The company‘s annual report for 2000
typified the tone of fantasy increasingly emanating from those at the top:
We believe wholesale gas and power in North America, Europe and Japan will
grow from a $660 billion market to a $1.7 trillion market over the next
several years. Retail energy services in the United States and Europe have
the potential to grow from $180 billion to $765 billion in the not-so-distant
future. Broadband‘s prospective global growth is huge – it should increase
from just $17 billion today to $1.4 trillion within five years. Taken together,
these markets present a £3.9 trillion opportunity for Enron, and we have just
scratched the surface.‖ (cited by Cruver, 2003, p.45)
Around this time, Enron draped a huge banner at its entrance, proclaiming its latest vision –
―FROM THE WORLD‘S LEADING ENERGY COMPANY – TO THE WORLD‘S LEADING
COMPANY.‖ Such hyperbole was a normal part of Enron‘s discourse. Craig and Amernic
(2004) have highlighted numerous examples of its presence in letters to shareholders,
which as they point out also made use of the language of war, sport and extremism, to
reinforce the potency of what was a compelling and totalistic vision of the most dramatic
kind. Extraordinary goals, set by the leaders, encourage group members to regard their
group as being particularly special and engender a sense of privilege and uniqueness among
those who belong (Lalich, 2004), as do images of the organisation being at war with
everyone else.
The wealth that could be made within Enron further encouraged feelings among employees
that they faced a much more exalted destiny than that of people who worked for other
companies. For those who achieved their goals, huge bonuses were available – to such an
extent that Houston‘s luxury car dealers habitually visited Enron to exhibit their products
every bonus period (Prentice, 2003). Largesse was also extended to employees‘ families.
The prevailing philosophy, as Cruver (1003, p.191) summarised it, was that ―If you were
smart enough and tough enough to work at Enron, you deserved to live like last year‘s
Oscar winner.‖ The consistent message to employees was that they were the brightest and
the best, that they were greatly favoured by being selected to work at Enron, and that they
were now charged with an evangelical mission of transforming how business conducted
itself in the world. All accounts describe it as an intensely stimulating environment – to the
point where many wondered how they could ever bear to work anywhere else again (e.g.
Cruver, 2003). For those who bought into such messages, it followed that extraordinary,
and almost cultic, levels of commitment were required.
Thus, work regimes of up to eighty hours a week were regarded as normal. Employees
sacrificed their today in the hope of a better tomorrow. But, given the demands, ―Skilling
hired people who were very young, because very young people did not insist on coming in
at nine or leaving at five, or on keeping things as they had always been, or, for that matter,
