Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 5, No. 1, 2006, Page 29
assumed that sexual activity involving children or youth would be between individuals of
compatible age‖ (p. 24. See also Melton, 1994b:91 for his earlier, comparable comment).
Given Chancellor‘s assertion that even COG/The Family members now admit that certain Mo
Letters did advocate adult-child sexual relationships, it is puzzling that Melton continues to
state otherwise (see Chancellor, 2000:138).15
Melton then turns his attention to The Story of Davidito. He correctly claims of this book
that ―most of the content was innocuous‖ however, he downplays the degree to which the
text advocated sexual contact between adults and minors, citing that only 20 or so pages
discuss child sexuality.16 Moreover, he contends that Davidito (Ricky Rodriguez) ―...appears
to have sexual access to the women of the group‖ (p. 30). This is a disturbing statement
indeed. The group produced the text and photographs that describe and depict Davidito in
sexually explicit ways when he was between the ages of about two years to about three-
and-one-half years. I suggest, rather, that the adult women of the group had sexual access
to him. A three-year-old child does not possess the sexual or emotional maturity required to
make decisions about sexual relationships. In other areas, too, Melton uses language to
minimize the atmosphere of child sexualisation (for example, pp. 31–32).
The police raids on COG/The Family homes around the globe resulted in the physical and
emotional maltreatment of many adults and children. Melton recounts the events that
occurred in Spain, Argentina, and France, detailing some of the terrible abuses that
transpired. These details include the separation of children from their parents (often for
extremely prolonged periods), judicial misconduct, physical and emotional abuse,
interrogations, and neglect. In one instance, ―A fifteen-year-old girl was handcuffed for four
hours clad only in her underwear‖ (p. 36). The raids on COG/The Family homes occurred at
a time when the movement had already undergone many institutional changes and had
purged much of its more controversial literature. In retrospect, the raids on homes not only
occurred at the wrong time, but many of the authorities involved also conducted them in a
wholly inappropriate and at times brutal manner.
Melton concludes with a look at how COG/The Family lives today. Then, following the main
body of text and before the appendices, he includes a series of 18 photographs. These
fascinating images are an appreciated inclusion to this concise account.
Book Chapters
„The Children of God‟ section of “Conversions,” in From Slogans to Mantras: Social
Protest and Religious Conversion in the Late Vietnam War Era (2001a) by Stephen
A. Kent
Kent discusses the emergence of COG/The Family within the context of the shift from youth
involvement in social and political protest movements of the 1960s to the proliferation of
new religious movements that emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Against the
background of the Vietnam War, he provides a compelling argument that the youth of this
time underwent a ―crisis of means‖ (p. 5) (as opposed to a ―crisis of meaning‖). He posits
that religion became the new means to try to achieve the same ends—radical social and
political change. Hence, new religions like the COG with their political and, indeed,
revolutionary rhetoric appealed to the disenchanted activist youth of that era. Moreover, as
Kent comments, Berg offered a radically different platform from which to worship and
spread the word of God. Rather than provide a traditional image of Jesus, Berg offered a
revolutionary one that coincided with countercultural values and imagery (p. 149).
A combination of interviews, Mo Letters, academic literature, and rare publications from the
era help Kent develop his argument that the COG‘s anti-American (and specifically, anti-
Nixon) posture, along with its explicit advice for avoiding the draft, added to the
movement‘s appeal (pp. 144–145). Critically, he highlights the cognitive and behavioural
assumed that sexual activity involving children or youth would be between individuals of
compatible age‖ (p. 24. See also Melton, 1994b:91 for his earlier, comparable comment).
Given Chancellor‘s assertion that even COG/The Family members now admit that certain Mo
Letters did advocate adult-child sexual relationships, it is puzzling that Melton continues to
state otherwise (see Chancellor, 2000:138).15
Melton then turns his attention to The Story of Davidito. He correctly claims of this book
that ―most of the content was innocuous‖ however, he downplays the degree to which the
text advocated sexual contact between adults and minors, citing that only 20 or so pages
discuss child sexuality.16 Moreover, he contends that Davidito (Ricky Rodriguez) ―...appears
to have sexual access to the women of the group‖ (p. 30). This is a disturbing statement
indeed. The group produced the text and photographs that describe and depict Davidito in
sexually explicit ways when he was between the ages of about two years to about three-
and-one-half years. I suggest, rather, that the adult women of the group had sexual access
to him. A three-year-old child does not possess the sexual or emotional maturity required to
make decisions about sexual relationships. In other areas, too, Melton uses language to
minimize the atmosphere of child sexualisation (for example, pp. 31–32).
The police raids on COG/The Family homes around the globe resulted in the physical and
emotional maltreatment of many adults and children. Melton recounts the events that
occurred in Spain, Argentina, and France, detailing some of the terrible abuses that
transpired. These details include the separation of children from their parents (often for
extremely prolonged periods), judicial misconduct, physical and emotional abuse,
interrogations, and neglect. In one instance, ―A fifteen-year-old girl was handcuffed for four
hours clad only in her underwear‖ (p. 36). The raids on COG/The Family homes occurred at
a time when the movement had already undergone many institutional changes and had
purged much of its more controversial literature. In retrospect, the raids on homes not only
occurred at the wrong time, but many of the authorities involved also conducted them in a
wholly inappropriate and at times brutal manner.
Melton concludes with a look at how COG/The Family lives today. Then, following the main
body of text and before the appendices, he includes a series of 18 photographs. These
fascinating images are an appreciated inclusion to this concise account.
Book Chapters
„The Children of God‟ section of “Conversions,” in From Slogans to Mantras: Social
Protest and Religious Conversion in the Late Vietnam War Era (2001a) by Stephen
A. Kent
Kent discusses the emergence of COG/The Family within the context of the shift from youth
involvement in social and political protest movements of the 1960s to the proliferation of
new religious movements that emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Against the
background of the Vietnam War, he provides a compelling argument that the youth of this
time underwent a ―crisis of means‖ (p. 5) (as opposed to a ―crisis of meaning‖). He posits
that religion became the new means to try to achieve the same ends—radical social and
political change. Hence, new religions like the COG with their political and, indeed,
revolutionary rhetoric appealed to the disenchanted activist youth of that era. Moreover, as
Kent comments, Berg offered a radically different platform from which to worship and
spread the word of God. Rather than provide a traditional image of Jesus, Berg offered a
revolutionary one that coincided with countercultural values and imagery (p. 149).
A combination of interviews, Mo Letters, academic literature, and rare publications from the
era help Kent develop his argument that the COG‘s anti-American (and specifically, anti-
Nixon) posture, along with its explicit advice for avoiding the draft, added to the
movement‘s appeal (pp. 144–145). Critically, he highlights the cognitive and behavioural
