Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 5, No. 1, 2006, Page 34
problematic connotations that many new researchers are extremely wary of using it, or of
even exploring the possibilities of using it. In conclusion, while this article does a good job
of addressing the concerns of the second generation, it does so in a way that fails to appeal
to those scholars who have overlooked this component of the movement‘s history. Given
the polemic surrounding the brainwashing concept23, alternative constructs might have been
prudent in this instance.
“Women After the Utopia: The Gendered Lives of Former Cult Members,” by Miriam
Williams Boeri. In Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 31(3) (2002)
Williams Boeri analyzes the daily lives of 15 female former members of COG/The Family.
Centralising the importance of gender, she examines how these women have responded to
the post-cult environment. Drawing from symbolic interactionism, feminist discourses, and
grounded theory, Williams analyzes the women‘s transitions from cult members to ―cult
survivors.‖ In this way, environmental context, socialization, and social relations are crucial
to understanding the identities of the women. Critically, Williams asserts that her study
marks a shift from psychological discussions to sociological analyses—she explores four
general topics: ―identities, roles, interactions, and contexts‖ (p. 331).
Framing her work within a detailed discussion of the methodologies that she employs (semi-
structured interviews and participant observation at ex-member reunions), Williams Boeri‘s
ethnographic study provides a comprehensive amount of background information. The
women‘s age ranges, time spent in the group, time lapsed since leaving the group, reasons
for leaving, whether each woman left with or without a partner, education levels, and so on
are all taken into consideration (pp. 332–335).
Williams Boeri identifies COG/The Family as an extremely patriarchal environment in which
males benefited more than females from the sexual freedom that the group embraced.
Furthermore, she argues that the insular nature of the group fostered ―male domination of
women through normative and persuasive controls [which] often leads to violence‖ (p.
331). She asserts that in COG/The Family, ―women were subordinate to their husbands ...
and were encouraged to bear as many babies as possible. The sexual exploitation of the
women became excessive when the economy of prostitution was adopted by the group‖ (p.
330). Despite these convincing analyses, Williams Boeri does not address Maria‘s role as a
woman in the movement who wielded considerable power. Moreover, in Heaven‟s Harlots,
she discussed several other women who made life particularly hard for her in various
homes.
The focus of the study is the lived experiences of the women because ―few studies have
focused on how the sexual environment of cults has influenced the everyday lives of
females while in the group, and little is known about the long term effects of a cult
experience on women who leave‖ (p. 326). Moreover, she notes that both COG/The Family
environment and the post-group environment are gendered settings that shape male and
female expectations in terms of roles (p. 326). Because the key focus was everyday life and
post-group adjustment to society, sexuality was not part of the interview question set (p.
354). Williams Boeri found, however, that the women brought this topic up of their own
volition. In this way, the women informed Williams Boeri of how the sexual nature of their
previous identities interfered with their struggles to negotiate new identities.
In addition to depression, ―extreme estrangement and isolation‖ (p. 339), and role
confusion, the interviewees spoke of their ―spiritual confusion.‖ The women missed the
intensity of communion with God that the group fostered, as well as the sense of purpose
that they gained. After leaving the group, many felt that somehow they had let God down
(p. 340). Some women endured further problems, as well: lack of education, lack of work
history, and poor access to healthcare—practical issues that influenced their adjustment to,
and negotiation of, new social roles.
problematic connotations that many new researchers are extremely wary of using it, or of
even exploring the possibilities of using it. In conclusion, while this article does a good job
of addressing the concerns of the second generation, it does so in a way that fails to appeal
to those scholars who have overlooked this component of the movement‘s history. Given
the polemic surrounding the brainwashing concept23, alternative constructs might have been
prudent in this instance.
“Women After the Utopia: The Gendered Lives of Former Cult Members,” by Miriam
Williams Boeri. In Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 31(3) (2002)
Williams Boeri analyzes the daily lives of 15 female former members of COG/The Family.
Centralising the importance of gender, she examines how these women have responded to
the post-cult environment. Drawing from symbolic interactionism, feminist discourses, and
grounded theory, Williams analyzes the women‘s transitions from cult members to ―cult
survivors.‖ In this way, environmental context, socialization, and social relations are crucial
to understanding the identities of the women. Critically, Williams asserts that her study
marks a shift from psychological discussions to sociological analyses—she explores four
general topics: ―identities, roles, interactions, and contexts‖ (p. 331).
Framing her work within a detailed discussion of the methodologies that she employs (semi-
structured interviews and participant observation at ex-member reunions), Williams Boeri‘s
ethnographic study provides a comprehensive amount of background information. The
women‘s age ranges, time spent in the group, time lapsed since leaving the group, reasons
for leaving, whether each woman left with or without a partner, education levels, and so on
are all taken into consideration (pp. 332–335).
Williams Boeri identifies COG/The Family as an extremely patriarchal environment in which
males benefited more than females from the sexual freedom that the group embraced.
Furthermore, she argues that the insular nature of the group fostered ―male domination of
women through normative and persuasive controls [which] often leads to violence‖ (p.
331). She asserts that in COG/The Family, ―women were subordinate to their husbands ...
and were encouraged to bear as many babies as possible. The sexual exploitation of the
women became excessive when the economy of prostitution was adopted by the group‖ (p.
330). Despite these convincing analyses, Williams Boeri does not address Maria‘s role as a
woman in the movement who wielded considerable power. Moreover, in Heaven‟s Harlots,
she discussed several other women who made life particularly hard for her in various
homes.
The focus of the study is the lived experiences of the women because ―few studies have
focused on how the sexual environment of cults has influenced the everyday lives of
females while in the group, and little is known about the long term effects of a cult
experience on women who leave‖ (p. 326). Moreover, she notes that both COG/The Family
environment and the post-group environment are gendered settings that shape male and
female expectations in terms of roles (p. 326). Because the key focus was everyday life and
post-group adjustment to society, sexuality was not part of the interview question set (p.
354). Williams Boeri found, however, that the women brought this topic up of their own
volition. In this way, the women informed Williams Boeri of how the sexual nature of their
previous identities interfered with their struggles to negotiate new identities.
In addition to depression, ―extreme estrangement and isolation‖ (p. 339), and role
confusion, the interviewees spoke of their ―spiritual confusion.‖ The women missed the
intensity of communion with God that the group fostered, as well as the sense of purpose
that they gained. After leaving the group, many felt that somehow they had let God down
(p. 340). Some women endured further problems, as well: lack of education, lack of work
history, and poor access to healthcare—practical issues that influenced their adjustment to,
and negotiation of, new social roles.
