Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 5, No. 1, 2006, Page 47
authors‘ model incorporates the thrill seeker and the hard-core offender, but redefines the
concept of the reactive offender. This phenomenon can be described as secondary
justification skinheads routinely use this technique to instigate attacks. For example, a
group of skinheads encounter a mixed-race couple and shout racial slurs. If the couple
reacts in a manner other than a submissive one, the skinheads perceive that behavior as an
act of aggression. The skinheads later tell the police they merely defended themselves
against aggressors. The skinheads, of course, leave out the fact that they acted as the
instigators. Secondary justification is difficult to detect because skinheads can interpret a
simple glance as aggressive behavior.
Secondary justification also exists on a larger scale. When a community reacts to a hate
crime, skinheads perceive that reaction as aggressive, which reinforces the notion that
skinheads must defend themselves against a common enemy. Secondary justification places
the skinheads in a victim status and rationalizes continued violence. To further illustrate this
principle, a skinhead, with a swastika tattooed on his cheek, walked into a jewelry store to
buy a ring for his girlfriend. The skinhead became incensed when the Jewish clerk treated
him poorly. The skinhead later commented that if Jews treated him with more respect he
would not hate them so much. The skinhead clearly saw himself as a victim, although he
openly displayed a provocative symbol of hate on his face.
Empirical observations show that hate groups go through seven stages in the hate process.
Haters, if unimpeded, pass through these seven successive stages without skipping a stage.
In the first four stages, haters vocalize their beliefs. In the last three stages, haters act on
their beliefs. A transition period exists between vocalization and acting out. In this transition
period, violence separates hard-core haters from rhetorical haters.
Stage 1: The Haters Gather
Irrational haters seldom hate alone.10 They feel compelled, almost driven, to entreat others
to hate as they do. Peer validation bolsters a sense of self-worth and, at the same time,
prevents introspection, which reveals personal insecurities.11 Further, individuals otherwise
ineffective become empowered when they join groups, which also provide anonymity and
diminished accountability.
Stage 2: The Hate Group Defines Itself
Hate groups form identities through symbols, rituals, and mythologies, which enhance the
members‘ status and, at the same time, degrade the object of their hate. For example,
skinhead groups may adopt the swastika, the iron cross, the Confederate flag, and other
supremacist symbols. Group-specific symbols or clothing often differentiate hate groups.
Group rituals, such as hand signals and secret greetings, further fortify members. Hate
groups, especially skinhead groups, usually incorporate some form of self-sacrifice, which
allows haters to willingly jeopardize their well-being for the greater good of the cause.
Giving one‘s life to a cause provides the ultimate sense of value and worth to life.12
Skinheads often see themselves as soldiers in a race war.
Stage 3: The Hate Group Disparages the Target
Hate is the glue that binds haters to one another and to a common cause.13 By verbally
debasing the object of their hate, haters enhance their self-image, as well as their group
status. In skinhead groups, racist song lyrics and hate literature provide an environment
wherein hate flourishes. In fact, researchers have found that the life span of aggressive
impulses increases with ideation.14 In other words, the more often a person thinks about
aggression, the greater the chance for aggressive behavior to occur. Thus, after constant
verbal denigration, haters progress to the next more acrimonious stage.
authors‘ model incorporates the thrill seeker and the hard-core offender, but redefines the
concept of the reactive offender. This phenomenon can be described as secondary
justification skinheads routinely use this technique to instigate attacks. For example, a
group of skinheads encounter a mixed-race couple and shout racial slurs. If the couple
reacts in a manner other than a submissive one, the skinheads perceive that behavior as an
act of aggression. The skinheads later tell the police they merely defended themselves
against aggressors. The skinheads, of course, leave out the fact that they acted as the
instigators. Secondary justification is difficult to detect because skinheads can interpret a
simple glance as aggressive behavior.
Secondary justification also exists on a larger scale. When a community reacts to a hate
crime, skinheads perceive that reaction as aggressive, which reinforces the notion that
skinheads must defend themselves against a common enemy. Secondary justification places
the skinheads in a victim status and rationalizes continued violence. To further illustrate this
principle, a skinhead, with a swastika tattooed on his cheek, walked into a jewelry store to
buy a ring for his girlfriend. The skinhead became incensed when the Jewish clerk treated
him poorly. The skinhead later commented that if Jews treated him with more respect he
would not hate them so much. The skinhead clearly saw himself as a victim, although he
openly displayed a provocative symbol of hate on his face.
Empirical observations show that hate groups go through seven stages in the hate process.
Haters, if unimpeded, pass through these seven successive stages without skipping a stage.
In the first four stages, haters vocalize their beliefs. In the last three stages, haters act on
their beliefs. A transition period exists between vocalization and acting out. In this transition
period, violence separates hard-core haters from rhetorical haters.
Stage 1: The Haters Gather
Irrational haters seldom hate alone.10 They feel compelled, almost driven, to entreat others
to hate as they do. Peer validation bolsters a sense of self-worth and, at the same time,
prevents introspection, which reveals personal insecurities.11 Further, individuals otherwise
ineffective become empowered when they join groups, which also provide anonymity and
diminished accountability.
Stage 2: The Hate Group Defines Itself
Hate groups form identities through symbols, rituals, and mythologies, which enhance the
members‘ status and, at the same time, degrade the object of their hate. For example,
skinhead groups may adopt the swastika, the iron cross, the Confederate flag, and other
supremacist symbols. Group-specific symbols or clothing often differentiate hate groups.
Group rituals, such as hand signals and secret greetings, further fortify members. Hate
groups, especially skinhead groups, usually incorporate some form of self-sacrifice, which
allows haters to willingly jeopardize their well-being for the greater good of the cause.
Giving one‘s life to a cause provides the ultimate sense of value and worth to life.12
Skinheads often see themselves as soldiers in a race war.
Stage 3: The Hate Group Disparages the Target
Hate is the glue that binds haters to one another and to a common cause.13 By verbally
debasing the object of their hate, haters enhance their self-image, as well as their group
status. In skinhead groups, racist song lyrics and hate literature provide an environment
wherein hate flourishes. In fact, researchers have found that the life span of aggressive
impulses increases with ideation.14 In other words, the more often a person thinks about
aggression, the greater the chance for aggressive behavior to occur. Thus, after constant
verbal denigration, haters progress to the next more acrimonious stage.
