Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2005, Page 24
that the cult world was a lot more complex than the once dominant Moonie model implied.
Moreover, most of the people attending our conferences hadn‘t been around during the late
70s and early 80s and only knew vaguely, if at all, of the ―cult wars.‖ Thus, changes in the
critical community made it receptive to the dialogue that I hope will continue well into the
future.
Scholarship on “Brainwashing”
Until Ben Zablocki (1997) began to defend the brainwashing notion, the sociological
literature tended to portray ―brainwashing‖ in extreme terms, conflating lay and
professional presentations. Dr. Barker captured the essence of what the sociologists said
we said:
Recruitment that employs deception should, however, be distinguished from
―brainwashing‖ or ―mind control.‖ If people are the victims of mind control,
they are rendered incapable of themselves making the decision as to whether
or not to join a movement—the decision is made for them. (Barker,
1989/1995, p. 17)
Dr. Barker‘s encapsulation of what she thought ―ACMers‖ said certainly was accurate to a
point, especially for certain vocal laymen, such as Ted Patrick (1977). Dr. Barker did not
quote any ―ACM‖ experts on the definition of ―brainwashing‖ my impression is that
sociologists hardly ever quoted us when they were telling their readers what we said.
Most of the mental health professionals of this era, who preferred to eschew the term
―brainwashing,‖ had views that were more nuanced and interactional than the ―robot‖ view
of ―brainwashing‖ implied in Dr. Barker‘s quote above. Even some of the early writings of
critics, in my opinion, set the stage for, or at least provided some theoretical framework for,
the changes within the critical community that I alluded to above. Let me simply give a few
quotes as examples:
The cults these people belonged to maintain intense allegiance through the
arguments of their ideology, and through social and psychological pressures
and practices that, intentionally or not, amount to conditioning techniques
that constrict attention, limit personal relationships, and devalue reasoning.
(Singer, 1979, January, p. 75)
Clearly, the groups are far from uniform, and what goes on in one may or
may not go on in another. Still, when in the course of research on young
adults and their families over the last four years, I interviewed nearly 300
people who were in or who had come out of such cults, I was struck by
similarities in their accounts. For example, the groups‘ recruitment and
indoctrination procedures seemed to involve highly sophisticated techniques
for inducing behavioral change. (Singer, 1979, January, p. 72)
With respect to a specific susceptibility to conversion, the usual psychiatric
categories do not entirely satisfy and indeed are confusing. A great variety of
persons from the early teens to the 50s, with a wide variety of personality
strengths and weaknesses, have entered these groups. The cults themselves
select a segment of the marketplace and, as with any new enterprise, thrive
only if they develop technical skills to build a core group and maintain internal
congruity. The attempts of many observers to describe salient personality
traits that render converts vulnerable and place them in pathological
categories have been misleading, because they have tended to obscure the
fact of nearly universal susceptibility to sudden change in the general
population. In my studies of more than 60 subjects in all stages of
involvement, about 60% by examination and by history obtained from
Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2005, Page 25
relatives have been substantially and chronically disturbed and unhappy for
many years. A large share of this group actively had sought conversions
repeatedly. About 40%, however, were by history and examination essentially
normal, maturing persons. Their susceptibility to conversion was either an
artifact of the aggressive manipulation of a proselytizer or the result of a
normal painful crisis of maturation. Singer‘s estimate indicates an even larger
percentage of normal persons (75%), while Galanter et al., in their
questionnaire study of 237 members of the Unification Church, found ―9%
who felt they had serious emotional problems in the past‖ that had ―led to
professional help (30%) and even hospitalization (6%).‖ (Clark, 1979, 279-
281.)
The actual act of cult affiliation frequently occurs within a group setting. This
aspect of the complex problem of affiliation and conversion is often dealt with
under the rubric of ―group pressures,‖ without attempting to define or
understand the dynamics that are operative within the group setting. This
article explores the process of cult affiliation and the maintenance of cult
membership from the vantage point of group dynamics. The recent additions
to our understanding of group processes provided by object relations theory
and the work of Bion (Kernberg, 1977) and Ezriel (1952) are particularly
important as they reflect upon the inherent potential within all groups for
cultlike transformation and on the regressive potential within individuals for
loss of individuality and autonomy. (Halperin, 1982, p. 13)
But cults do not step into a vacuum. Each recruit brings a unique personal
history that includes character, life aspirations, and family background, as
well as distinctive qualities of development and maturation. Many cults are
skilled at assessing these subtleties and tailoring an enticing approach around
them. Through cult indoctrination, a person‘s sense of self is often drastically
altered. Recruits are likely to have internal experiences they cannot explain.
They frequently form intense new friendships and assimilate a new language
as well as new beliefs and mannerisms. The changes resulting from cult
indoctrination can leave family and friends frightened and bewildered. The
respect and mutuality which normally sustain their bonds with the recruit are
often ruptured by the cultist‘s new identity. Familiar and habitual patters of
communication no longer seem to affect the cult member. This often leads
families to feel that ―programming‖ has replaced the individual they once
knew. (Scharff &Zeitlin, 1984, pp. 1-2)
In treating individuals and/or families reporting adverse cult involvement,
clinicians should not assume that all such involvements are necessarily
harmful or a result of unethical persuasion. Rather, they should remain alert
to alternative explanations of and responses to reported distress.
Sometimes, for example, family members aver, through ignorance rather
than motivated distortion, that a convert has been ―brainwashed‖ by a group
when, in fact, he or she has made an informed, unpressured decision to join.
Sometimes family members and/or former cultists avoid confronting family or
personal distress by attributing all problems to the cult, which may be at most
only partly responsible. And sometimes family members and/or clinicians may
try to persuade a convert, particularly one who had psychological problems
before conversion, to leave a cult which, even though being harmful in some
respects, offers him or her more psychological support (e.g., friends, a
simplified environment, a vocational niche) than the non-cult environment
provides. On the other hand, clinicians should not adopt a ―blame-the-
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