Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1986 Page 15
the methods of Alcoholics Anonymous (Ofshe, 1980). In other cases, expansion comes
through the assertion of a claim to a methodological breakthrough in the claimant‘s area of
expertise, as in the development of the Center for Feeling Therapy, where psychotherapists
developed methods supposedly superior to those employed in Primal Scream therapy
(Ayala, 1985), or by a cult founder‘s assertion that his or her personal power and authority
extends beyond the traditional limits of their position, as when Jim Jones claimed super-
human power in addition to his normal clerical authority. What follows is a study of the
tactics used by one cleric to persuade his congregants to allow him to radically expand his
power and authority.
Development of the Cult
The Fundamentalist Revival Movement
The cult developed within a group formed as a ‗back to Judaism‘ youth movement at the
end of the 1960‘s. Like other youth-focused fundamentalist movements of the period, it
drew its following from young adults who were attracted by the idea of returning to a more
traditional outlook and way of life. It was composed largely of individuals who had had
varying degrees of prior affiliation with the broader religious tradition of which the
fundamentalist group was a part.
For those who affiliated with the group, acceptance of, or return to orthodoxy meant
embracing a lifestyle as well as an ideology. Conformity to fundamentalist beliefs on matters
of biblical interpretation went hand-in-hand with conformity to conservative behavioral
norms. For many of those who joined the group, the lifestyle changes were substantial. The
group‘s norms were markedly conservative relative to other, less traditional Jewish
congregations and to the norms of the larger society.
Given that unusual sexual practices were at the core of the cult that developed within this
fundamentalist group, it should be noted that the group as a whole adhered to very
conservative sexual norms and rules for women‘s roles. These norms called for highly
defined family roles that granted relatively great power to males. Members‘ expectations for
female-role behavior were also quite conservative by prevailing American standards. Typical
of orthodox Jewish traditions, special constraints were placed on married women. The
restrictions extended to a total prohibition against physical contact (including handshaking)
with men other than their husbands. Extreme modesty in demeanor and dress were also
required. Married women, for example, were prohibited from displaying their hair to anyone
who was not a family member hence, women typically wore scarves or wigs in public.
Social organization and theological correctness in the group were not separated in any
meaningful fashion. The authority of the group‘s founder and leader, Rabbi Satyr,2 over the
lives of his followers was diffuse and substantial. Group members were expected to seek
Satyr‘s guidance on any significant matter not clearly defined by tradition, and they were
encouraged to seek him out for guidance on their everyday problems. Although this degree
of clerical authority is rare even in orthodox Jewish communities, it is not unheard of in very
conservative congregations.
In its early years, the group was organized as a school of between sixty and eighty
students. About three quarters were male. Very few were married. The rabbi, as Eve
described him:
...seemed to offer the ideal form of everything ...He‘d have all these
wonderful suggestions and ideas ...He‘d give lectures and everybody was
enthralled with him. He seemed to offer a kind of way of life. Since I didn‘t
know any other orthodox rabbis, I didn‘t know if this was how orthodox life
actually was at the time. I didn‘t scrutinize. I didn‘t know of anything else.
the methods of Alcoholics Anonymous (Ofshe, 1980). In other cases, expansion comes
through the assertion of a claim to a methodological breakthrough in the claimant‘s area of
expertise, as in the development of the Center for Feeling Therapy, where psychotherapists
developed methods supposedly superior to those employed in Primal Scream therapy
(Ayala, 1985), or by a cult founder‘s assertion that his or her personal power and authority
extends beyond the traditional limits of their position, as when Jim Jones claimed super-
human power in addition to his normal clerical authority. What follows is a study of the
tactics used by one cleric to persuade his congregants to allow him to radically expand his
power and authority.
Development of the Cult
The Fundamentalist Revival Movement
The cult developed within a group formed as a ‗back to Judaism‘ youth movement at the
end of the 1960‘s. Like other youth-focused fundamentalist movements of the period, it
drew its following from young adults who were attracted by the idea of returning to a more
traditional outlook and way of life. It was composed largely of individuals who had had
varying degrees of prior affiliation with the broader religious tradition of which the
fundamentalist group was a part.
For those who affiliated with the group, acceptance of, or return to orthodoxy meant
embracing a lifestyle as well as an ideology. Conformity to fundamentalist beliefs on matters
of biblical interpretation went hand-in-hand with conformity to conservative behavioral
norms. For many of those who joined the group, the lifestyle changes were substantial. The
group‘s norms were markedly conservative relative to other, less traditional Jewish
congregations and to the norms of the larger society.
Given that unusual sexual practices were at the core of the cult that developed within this
fundamentalist group, it should be noted that the group as a whole adhered to very
conservative sexual norms and rules for women‘s roles. These norms called for highly
defined family roles that granted relatively great power to males. Members‘ expectations for
female-role behavior were also quite conservative by prevailing American standards. Typical
of orthodox Jewish traditions, special constraints were placed on married women. The
restrictions extended to a total prohibition against physical contact (including handshaking)
with men other than their husbands. Extreme modesty in demeanor and dress were also
required. Married women, for example, were prohibited from displaying their hair to anyone
who was not a family member hence, women typically wore scarves or wigs in public.
Social organization and theological correctness in the group were not separated in any
meaningful fashion. The authority of the group‘s founder and leader, Rabbi Satyr,2 over the
lives of his followers was diffuse and substantial. Group members were expected to seek
Satyr‘s guidance on any significant matter not clearly defined by tradition, and they were
encouraged to seek him out for guidance on their everyday problems. Although this degree
of clerical authority is rare even in orthodox Jewish communities, it is not unheard of in very
conservative congregations.
In its early years, the group was organized as a school of between sixty and eighty
students. About three quarters were male. Very few were married. The rabbi, as Eve
described him:
...seemed to offer the ideal form of everything ...He‘d have all these
wonderful suggestions and ideas ...He‘d give lectures and everybody was
enthralled with him. He seemed to offer a kind of way of life. Since I didn‘t
know any other orthodox rabbis, I didn‘t know if this was how orthodox life
actually was at the time. I didn‘t scrutinize. I didn‘t know of anything else.
