4 International Journal of Cultic Studies ■ Vol. 1, No. 1, 2010
consciously on behalf of the belief system.
Notably, at this point on the continuum, there is
still awareness of differences—even a degree of
tolerance, perhaps—in contrast to the final
category of thought reform.
So how is thought reform defined? Margaret
Singer and Janja Lalich have described the
“tactics” of thought reform as falling into three
categories, which “are organised to”:
i. “Destabilise a person’s sense of self.”
This means that the pre-existing identity
of the person who joins the group is
either broken up or subsumed by the
more powerful cult identity. This
identity is obviously very different for
those who are raised in cults—what is
referred to in the field as the “second
generation”—who do not have a fully
formed pre-cult identity.
ii. “Get the person to drastically reinterpret
his or her life’s history and radically
alter his or her worldview and accept a
new version of reality and causality.”
A new self identity is forged, which is
based on a clear set of beliefs—an
ideology, which is usually fairly radical
within the relevant frame of reference
(religious beliefs, political beliefs, etc.),
and which involves dispensing with or
at least dampening out any discordant
previously held beliefs. A clear “us and
them” dichotomy is typically reported to
have developed, with cult members
clearly seeing themselves and their
group as in an elevated position with
regard to the rest of society.
iii. “Develop in the person a dependence on
the organisation, and thereby turn the
person into a deployable agent of the
organisation.”
I will return to how this dependency is
forged psychologically, and how the
normative actions of cult members,
whether they are selling a paper or
setting off bombs, are reinforcing of the
powerful group identity that has
enveloped them.
Singer, in describing these three aims of thought
reform, draws on and cites the work of Robert
Lifton, whose eight themes of thought reform
describe how members of cults become unduly
influenced and effectively trapped
psychologically. These ways are reminiscent of
the work of other psychiatrists, such as Gregory
Bateson (1952), whose concept of “double-bind”
was applied usefully by Laing and others to
explain the psychopathology involved in
schizophrenia as one that (in Laing’s case
family) revolves around a nexus of influences.
To be clear, then, a thought-reform group or cult
is a group that in essence displays
symptomology akin to a group form of
psychopathology it is literally a group that is
sick in its processes, power dynamics, and the
effect it has on some of its members. This is not
to say that any or all members of cults
necessarily have any form of psychopathology,
although many ex-members have been tested to
show higher than normal levels of depression,
anxiety, dissociation, and personality changes,
including sometimes those that are reminiscent
of psychotic conditions. Individual differences
abound, as we will see later on with regard to the
research that has been undertaken in this area
but for now, Lifton’s themes are a useful
description of what takes place in undue
influence settings.
Milieu control is the total control of
communication in the group this can include
spying by others, often leading members of the
group, and the effective control of the social
environment by the group leader or leaders. The
role of the group leader is particularly important
as the unique and sacred word of, usually, a
god—if the group leader himself is not defined
as some type of a god. This theme describes a
hierarchical model typical of groups that exhibit
high levels of control and require complete
obedience from their members or followers,
including, in this case, a strict adherence to daily
rituals that effectively control or frame the entire
waking day and limit the amount of sleeping
time or rest that persons can have. Milieu control
was clearly evident in groups such as Jonestown,
but also in cults such as the Heaven’s Gate
group, whose community was cut off from the
world around them.
consciously on behalf of the belief system.
Notably, at this point on the continuum, there is
still awareness of differences—even a degree of
tolerance, perhaps—in contrast to the final
category of thought reform.
So how is thought reform defined? Margaret
Singer and Janja Lalich have described the
“tactics” of thought reform as falling into three
categories, which “are organised to”:
i. “Destabilise a person’s sense of self.”
This means that the pre-existing identity
of the person who joins the group is
either broken up or subsumed by the
more powerful cult identity. This
identity is obviously very different for
those who are raised in cults—what is
referred to in the field as the “second
generation”—who do not have a fully
formed pre-cult identity.
ii. “Get the person to drastically reinterpret
his or her life’s history and radically
alter his or her worldview and accept a
new version of reality and causality.”
A new self identity is forged, which is
based on a clear set of beliefs—an
ideology, which is usually fairly radical
within the relevant frame of reference
(religious beliefs, political beliefs, etc.),
and which involves dispensing with or
at least dampening out any discordant
previously held beliefs. A clear “us and
them” dichotomy is typically reported to
have developed, with cult members
clearly seeing themselves and their
group as in an elevated position with
regard to the rest of society.
iii. “Develop in the person a dependence on
the organisation, and thereby turn the
person into a deployable agent of the
organisation.”
I will return to how this dependency is
forged psychologically, and how the
normative actions of cult members,
whether they are selling a paper or
setting off bombs, are reinforcing of the
powerful group identity that has
enveloped them.
Singer, in describing these three aims of thought
reform, draws on and cites the work of Robert
Lifton, whose eight themes of thought reform
describe how members of cults become unduly
influenced and effectively trapped
psychologically. These ways are reminiscent of
the work of other psychiatrists, such as Gregory
Bateson (1952), whose concept of “double-bind”
was applied usefully by Laing and others to
explain the psychopathology involved in
schizophrenia as one that (in Laing’s case
family) revolves around a nexus of influences.
To be clear, then, a thought-reform group or cult
is a group that in essence displays
symptomology akin to a group form of
psychopathology it is literally a group that is
sick in its processes, power dynamics, and the
effect it has on some of its members. This is not
to say that any or all members of cults
necessarily have any form of psychopathology,
although many ex-members have been tested to
show higher than normal levels of depression,
anxiety, dissociation, and personality changes,
including sometimes those that are reminiscent
of psychotic conditions. Individual differences
abound, as we will see later on with regard to the
research that has been undertaken in this area
but for now, Lifton’s themes are a useful
description of what takes place in undue
influence settings.
Milieu control is the total control of
communication in the group this can include
spying by others, often leading members of the
group, and the effective control of the social
environment by the group leader or leaders. The
role of the group leader is particularly important
as the unique and sacred word of, usually, a
god—if the group leader himself is not defined
as some type of a god. This theme describes a
hierarchical model typical of groups that exhibit
high levels of control and require complete
obedience from their members or followers,
including, in this case, a strict adherence to daily
rituals that effectively control or frame the entire
waking day and limit the amount of sleeping
time or rest that persons can have. Milieu control
was clearly evident in groups such as Jonestown,
but also in cults such as the Heaven’s Gate
group, whose community was cut off from the
world around them.
