Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1991, Page 31
early article in which the term “cult” was used), which they felt had acquired a pejorative
connotation, and began to use the more neutral “new religious movement” (NRM).
Cult critics rejected “new religious movement” because it seemed to give undeserved
respectability to noxious groups and because even during the early days it was apparent
that not all controversial groups were religious. Galanter‟s (1982) “charismatic group,”
although neutral and applicable to nonreligious groups, is vague (was Red Auerbach‟s
Boston Celtics a “charismatic group”?) and, like NRM, often perceived as euphemistic.
Many professionals felt uncomfortable with “cult” because not all “cults” employed the high
pressure tactics that fueled the controversy (e.g., the Meher Baba group described by
Robbins, 1969). Shapiro (1977) coined the term “destructive cult” in order to distinguish
that subset of groups that was harmful from that subset which was not. Shapiro‟s
distinction, however, was not consistently employed by workers in the field. The adjective
“destructive” was often omitted, and “cult” and “destructive cult” in practice became
interchangeable.
Many cult critics, especially those associated with the American Family Foundation,
attempted to downplay the categorization of the “group” and stress the “processes” that
harmed people. In a booklet for the layman (Langone, 1982), for example, the author
purposely did not discuss specific groups in order to encourage readers to avoid
“cataloguing” groups into “bad” and “acceptable” and to look instead at how the social
influence processes in a particular group affected a particular individual.
This booklet also introduced the term “unethical social influence,” which, it was hoped,
might replace “cult,” “brainwashing,” “coercive persuasion,” etc. Around the same time,
Margaret Singer (Singer, 1982) proposed “systematic manipulation of psychological and
social influence” (SMPSI). Although fellow professionals saw the advantages of such terms,
they did not strike a chord among the parents and ex-cultists we and our colleagues were
trying to help. Thus, many of us found ourselves employing a variety of terms to
describe the same phenomenon, adjusting the terminology to suit the group to which we
were trying to communicate.
By 1988 it became clear that despite their shortcomings we were stuck with “cult,” “mind
control,” and their brethren. Too large a body of popular and professional literature had
been produced, and these terms were implanted in the public mind. In 1988 the 1982
booklet, which had been entitled “Destructive Cultism: Questions and Answers,” was
revised. The new booklet, acknowledging popular usage, was called “Cults: Questions and
Answers” (Langone, 1988).
During the past few years, however, the terminology we have so grudgingly come to
accept has been challenged by a new development. As cult educational organizations have
matured and endured, more and more people have become aware of their services. In
recent years substantial numbers of people who left cultic groups without a family-inspired
intervention have turned to such organizations for help. Some of these people have simply
left the group for whatever reason. These have come to be called “walk-aways.” Others,
who have been ejected from the group, have come to be called “cast-aways.” Based on
the reports of those who do contact cult educational organizations, it appears that many,
and probably most, walk-aways and cast-aways not only do not relate to terms such as
“cult,” but indeed find them offensive.
Several factors appear to account for this phenomenon. First, ex-cultists, like the public at
large, tend to subscribe to the popular misconception that “cults” are deviant, “weird”
groups for “weird” people. (The recent spate of media reports on Satanism has
reinforced this misconception.) Because their group, their friends in the group, and
they themselves are not “weird,” their group is not a cult. Second, even when ex-members
early article in which the term “cult” was used), which they felt had acquired a pejorative
connotation, and began to use the more neutral “new religious movement” (NRM).
Cult critics rejected “new religious movement” because it seemed to give undeserved
respectability to noxious groups and because even during the early days it was apparent
that not all controversial groups were religious. Galanter‟s (1982) “charismatic group,”
although neutral and applicable to nonreligious groups, is vague (was Red Auerbach‟s
Boston Celtics a “charismatic group”?) and, like NRM, often perceived as euphemistic.
Many professionals felt uncomfortable with “cult” because not all “cults” employed the high
pressure tactics that fueled the controversy (e.g., the Meher Baba group described by
Robbins, 1969). Shapiro (1977) coined the term “destructive cult” in order to distinguish
that subset of groups that was harmful from that subset which was not. Shapiro‟s
distinction, however, was not consistently employed by workers in the field. The adjective
“destructive” was often omitted, and “cult” and “destructive cult” in practice became
interchangeable.
Many cult critics, especially those associated with the American Family Foundation,
attempted to downplay the categorization of the “group” and stress the “processes” that
harmed people. In a booklet for the layman (Langone, 1982), for example, the author
purposely did not discuss specific groups in order to encourage readers to avoid
“cataloguing” groups into “bad” and “acceptable” and to look instead at how the social
influence processes in a particular group affected a particular individual.
This booklet also introduced the term “unethical social influence,” which, it was hoped,
might replace “cult,” “brainwashing,” “coercive persuasion,” etc. Around the same time,
Margaret Singer (Singer, 1982) proposed “systematic manipulation of psychological and
social influence” (SMPSI). Although fellow professionals saw the advantages of such terms,
they did not strike a chord among the parents and ex-cultists we and our colleagues were
trying to help. Thus, many of us found ourselves employing a variety of terms to
describe the same phenomenon, adjusting the terminology to suit the group to which we
were trying to communicate.
By 1988 it became clear that despite their shortcomings we were stuck with “cult,” “mind
control,” and their brethren. Too large a body of popular and professional literature had
been produced, and these terms were implanted in the public mind. In 1988 the 1982
booklet, which had been entitled “Destructive Cultism: Questions and Answers,” was
revised. The new booklet, acknowledging popular usage, was called “Cults: Questions and
Answers” (Langone, 1988).
During the past few years, however, the terminology we have so grudgingly come to
accept has been challenged by a new development. As cult educational organizations have
matured and endured, more and more people have become aware of their services. In
recent years substantial numbers of people who left cultic groups without a family-inspired
intervention have turned to such organizations for help. Some of these people have simply
left the group for whatever reason. These have come to be called “walk-aways.” Others,
who have been ejected from the group, have come to be called “cast-aways.” Based on
the reports of those who do contact cult educational organizations, it appears that many,
and probably most, walk-aways and cast-aways not only do not relate to terms such as
“cult,” but indeed find them offensive.
Several factors appear to account for this phenomenon. First, ex-cultists, like the public at
large, tend to subscribe to the popular misconception that “cults” are deviant, “weird”
groups for “weird” people. (The recent spate of media reports on Satanism has
reinforced this misconception.) Because their group, their friends in the group, and
they themselves are not “weird,” their group is not a cult. Second, even when ex-members




















































































































