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not on ritual crime per se, but on the belief system.Still, it is used so pervasively in
discussions of ritual crime that it demands mention and may actually provide a useful means
of differentiating levels of involvement in ritual crime.
Important to note, however, is the tendency by some to brand particular religious beliefs as
inherently unhealthy. Participation, to whatever degree, in unconventional or minority belief
systems is viewed by many as an undesirable event in itself. The mere interest in spiritual
beliefs that are not associated with accepted religious norms, particularly in youth, is
presumed to lead to dangerous or criminal behavior. Frequently evidence of interest in an
unconventional belief system provokes parents or other concerned parties to assert the
existence of a causal relationship between delinquent acts and the belief system itself, where
none has been established.
Various activities that may not even indicate an interest in the occult are also sometimes cited
as engendering unhealthy beliefs or thought patterns. Among these are certain musical
groups and fantasy or role-playing games. Popular music may contain lyrics that mention
occult subjects but which young people enjoy simply for its entertainment value. Likewise,
participation in fantasy games (as with any game) most often represents a form of
entertainment and nothing more. The few credible studies addressed to research of this topic
have failed to point out a causal link between music or games and illegal practices.
Allegations Regarding Ritual Crime
As already noted, substantial controversy surrounds claims of ritual crime. Contentions
concern not only the prevalence of ritual crime but also conceptual frameworks for viewing
the topic. The very nature of ritual crime is at issue, spawning disparate and divergent
viewpoints as to the existence and intentions of movements and organizations implicated in
such activity. It is necessary therefore to identify some of the perspectives that predominate
this debate.
At one end of the spectrum are those who conclude that ritual crime, in essence, does not
exist. Subscribers to this view hold that spiritual motivations generally do not drive criminal
conduct and that only isolated incidents of such crime actually occur. They suggest that
alleged incidents either did not transpire at all or are susceptible to alternative (more viable)
explanations, and that victims of ritual crime are mistaken in their beliefs, misled into false
beliefs, or deliberately fabricate stories for their own purposes.
At the other end of the spectrum are those who recognize the existence of a broad-based
organization, or multiple organizations, engaged in habitual acts of crime (violent or
otherwise) premised on tenets of a given belief system. Adherents of this position point to
statements of numerous persons across the North American continent claiming personal
knowledge of ritual crime. Most often these individuals claim to be victims of powerful cult
groups. The lack of physical evidence of ritual crimes is explained by the effectiveness of
these groups in destroying or concealing such evidence. Cited crimes include fraud,
kidnapping, torture, and murder (often in the form of sacrifice), as well as habitual acts of
physical abuse. The perpetration of such acts would constitute a massive criminal conspiracy
that is pursued not for the sake of money but in the interest of spiritual fulfillment.
Nevertheless, there are some who maintain that the existence of this criminal network is
actually motivated by a quest for power and that the spiritual belief system is a subterfuge
employed to ensure the continued allegiance of participants and the silence of victims. Often
the allegations indicate multigenerational participation in these cults by family members.
The third group might be identified as objective observers, or persons who initiate their
research without a personal position or interest. These are frequently academics whose goal is
to determine the verifiability of claims and the veracity of witnesses, as well as the causes,
effects, and relationships associated with the phenomenon of ritual crime. Sociologists and

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1991, Page 77
mental health researchers populate this group. Also falling into the group, however, are
criminal justice and other governmental or public interest entities. Members of this group
recognize reason for concern regarding ritual crime simply because allegations are so
widespread and therefore demand examination.
Unlike members of the first two groups, members of the latter do not possess a uniform
position on the prevalence of ritual crime. Depending upon the focus of study, such a
determination may not even be an issue. The orientation is on the belief in existence of ritual
crime as much as validation of that belief. It is fair to say, however, that both of the extreme
positions are frequently rejected as unsubstantiated.
Finally, there are those who perceive a threat from unconventional belief systems based upon
the clash that those beliefs and values represent to their own religious views. Insofar as
purely spiritual bases for these objections are proffered, this group resides outside the focus
of this study. The task force takes no position on the preference of one religion over another,
or on the legitimacy of religious beliefs or practices except where they encourage behavior
that represents a threat to the rights or safety of society or the safety of the practitioner.
Numerous advocates across the United States and Canada have offered various perspectives
on ritual crime, based upon their particular objectives in examining this subject. Most can be
placed in one of the general groups described above. This task force initiated its investigation
with the posture of an objective observer. The study focused upon the specific issues outlined
in this report and the methodology adopted by the task force, described earlier, was
developed in response to these issues.
Surveys, Interviews, and Testimony
Surveys
In an attempt to quantify and document actual cases of ritual crime in Virginia a broad-based
survey of the Commonwealth was conducted. This consisted initially of statewide surveys to
three separate segments of the population: law enforcement agencies, public school
systems, and licensed practitioners within the various disciplines of the mental health field.
All 174 chiefs of police, 87 law enforcement sheriffs, and 145 school district officials in Virginia
received a copy of the survey. Additionally, a random sample of 155 licensed mental health
practitioners in Virginia, representing all geographical areas of the Commonwealth, was
polled. The questionnaires were designed to elicit information relating to the number of
reports of ritual activity, the type of activity, the number of participants or perpetrators, the
manner in which reports were addressed, and other information concerning the respondent‟s
knowledge of, experience with, and concern about ritual crime. Jurisdictions were broken
down into regions, utilizing the classification maintained by Virginia State Police.
Through compilation of responses to these surveys the task force hoped to provide reliable
data for determining the prevalence of ritual crime, in contrast to the widely varying, and
typically anecdotal, reports that are so pervasive. That said, a caveat must be interjected.
Schools and law enforcement agencies do not generally maintain discrete records of ritualistic
crime. Therapists represent only their clientele rather than a specific geographical portion of
the general population. Nevertheless, respondents generally exhibited excellent
understanding of the information sought by the survey and provided effective responses.
Subsequent follow-up interviews further clarified and confirmed the data.
Of the 561 surveys distributed, 361 were returned (see Appendix A for compilation of survey
data), representing a response rate of 65%. School divisions returned 135 surveys, which
means that over 90% of the state‟s schools are represented. The sheriff‟s and police
departments returned over 60% of the 250 law enforcement surveys. Mental health
professionals returned approximately 30% of the 150 surveys mailed to them.