International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 9, Issue 2 2026 66
Both HCGs and ST emphasize sacred science. HCG
leaders are often viewed by members as able to create,
change, or dissolve rules inside simply on a whim (Stein,
2016) and as not accountable to any authorities (Mills,
1979 Tobias &Lalich, 1994a). Similarly, traffickers are
the authorities in their kingdoms. Due to the criminal
nature of trafficking, traffickers by definition do not
obey the laws regarding taxes, labor rights, or pay of
employees (Doychak &Raghavan, 2020 Ivy, 2017) or,
of course, laws prohibiting prostitution, exploitation,
and abuse.
Both HCGs and ST emphasize doctrine over person.
Both ST and HCG leaders induce feelings of shame as
behavioral control (Layton, 1998 Reid, 2016). Stein
(2016) and Leuchtag (2003) use the term “replaceable
others” to highlight the low standing that members
have within HCGs and ST. Traffickers typically abuse
those under their dominance emotionally, physically,
and sexually (Farley, 2003). In ST settings, rarely is a
victim ever discussed as a human or in any respectable
terms (Bender, 2019). Even the woman with the
highest position in a stable is easily replaced with the
next recruit. In addition to devaluing survivors, leaders
also prioritize the actions of the groups. While HCG
leaders generally teach that the ends justify the means
(Hassan &Shah, 2019 Lalich &Tobias, 2006), a
common phrase in trafficking is: “money over bitches”
(Lundstrom, personal communication, 2019).
Both HCGs and ST rely on dispensing of existence,
largely devaluing and rejecting the victim’s prior
identity, personality, autonomy, and beliefs (Lalich &
Tobias, 2006 Hassan &Shah, 2019). The covert threat
and potential shame of being marked, excommunicated,
or publicly shunned from the only society one knows—
whether HCG or ST—can bring intense negative
psychological consequences (Dubrow-Marshall &
Dubrow-Marshall, 2015 Singer, 2003). Also, as part
of dispensing of existence, both HCGs and ST devalue
the world outside of the HCG or the life. In HCGs,
members and leaders consider themselves to have a
special, lofty status, distinct from and above the general
population (Dubrow-Marshall &Dubrow-Marshall,
2015 Tobias &Lalich, 1994a). Likewise, pimps often
tell members of stables—sometimes resembling a
polygamous family (Farley, 2003)—that the square
world is boring and that participation in the life is so
much more exciting, profitable, and better than other
options (Thomas, 2023). In both systems, survivors
typically face requirements to cut ties to family and
friends outside of the coercive context. Alongside the
devaluation of those outside ST or HCGs, threats to
those devalued outsiders can coerce survivors into
staying and behaving in line with the goals of the HCG
or pimp. For example, pimps, particularly Gorilla
Pimps, often use threats against loved ones should the
victim ever try to escape (Frank &Terwilliger, 2015,
see Mills, 1979, for examples from an HCG).
As described above, these similarities extend from
Lifton’s (1961/2014) criteria into other areas of
comparison. Survivors of HGCs and ST experience
similar changes in identity progression in these coercive
contexts. There exist additional similarities in terms
of generational effects and trauma bonds. Although
some differences emerge in these comparisons, for
example, coerced sexual behavior in ST may heighten
trauma bonds in ways that extend beyond typical HCG
membership, the foundational similarities remain.
Comparison: Similarities in Recruitment and
Retention
A persistent myth is that only troubled youth or those
who come from dysfunctional homes join an HCG
or ST (Polaris, 2026 Tobias &Lalich, 1994b West
&Martin, 1994). “[O]rdinary, healthy people may
become entrapped in prolonged abusive situations”
(Herman, 2015, p. 1 Thomas, 2023 West &Langone,
1986), and Farber (2014) found that high intelligence
does not provide protection. Times of normal life
transitions, such as starting college or retirement, can
induce vulnerability (Singer, 2003 Thomas, 2023)
additional situational vulnerabilities remain for those in
poverty, with low educational attainment, or with more
adverse childhood experiences (Curtis &Curtis, 1993
Province of British Columbia Criminal Justice, 2014).
As argued by Stein (2016), “Recruitment is a situational
vulnerability, not a personality vulnerability” (p. 59).
In the materials that follow, we consider recruitment
techniques across both HCGs and ST in terms
of financial, social, and psychological factors. A
comprehensive list of recruitment similarities and
related sources is provided in Appendix 1. First, ST
and HCGs both use tactics that remain widespread in
sales, for example, deceptive sales tactics, misleading

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Connie A. Mitchell |Abuses Produce Similar Psychological Effects in Survivors
recruiting measures, and financial exploitation (Bond,
2019). Some HCG leaders and pimps broadly promise
unlimited earning potential (Annitto, 2011 Raine,
2021), without square deadlines or other limitations
from the outside world.
Social factors shape recruitment. HCGs use door-
to-door visits, fliers, publications, pamphlets, and
television (Layton, 1998 Mills, 1979). Both HCGs
and ST recruiters use social media, peers, family, and
friends (Lundstrom, 2019), sometimes with support
from media, such as the pro-ST materials cited
previously (Patrick, 2014). The social tool of love
bombing (Conway &Siegelman, 1978), often utilized
in both HCGs and ST, can create strong emotional
connections as well as feelings of liking and belonging
(see Laaser &Laaser, 2008 Singer, 2003). These social
factors guide recruitment into HCGs and ST.
Cialdini (2021) presents multiple psychological
recruitment strategies often used by both HCGs and ST.
Leaders in both systems emphasize reciprocation—a
survivor who receives benefits from the group or pimp
typically feels an obligation to provide something
in turn, often including loyalty, sacrificial financial
giving, work in support of the group, or sex work for
the pimp. For example, pimps often require that their
victims repay for all items purchased for them by the
pimp, potentially through additional CSAs, which can
become a form of debt bondage (Farley, 2003 Reid,
2016 United Nations, 2017). The typically unspoken
but impactful expectation of reciprocity also applies
to excessive and inappropriate personal disclosure
(Greene et al., 2006 Mills, 1979), which in turn creates
social and hormonal bonds in both HCGs and ST
(Tobias &Lalich, 1994a). In addition, a survivor’s
belief that the pimp loves them can distort their sense
of morality (Patrick, 2014).
Cialdini (2021) also emphasizes drives toward
personal consistency, which can increase commitment
and compliance (Tobias &Lalich, 1994a). Therefore,
commitments generally begin small, with a foot-in-
the-door (Cialdini, 2021) and then slowly increase,
with each commitment making the subsequent ones
easier, sometimes compared to boiling a frog. Further,
speaking with confident authority boosts perceived
credibility (Layton, 1998). In ST systems, going
automatic describes consistency in action as a victim
continues to work for a pimp even when the pimp is not
present (Bender, 2019). HCG recruits become more
willing to stop thinking and simply react (Tobias &
Lalich, 1994a). Similarly, as one survivor of ST stated,
“If I gave in before [by having sex with a stranger], I
will be more likely to give in again” (Thomas, 2023).
Pimps, who often groom victims to make them more
amenable to abuse, offer repeated arguments and
positive reinforcement, gradually developing the
victim’s dependency (Tobias &Lalich, 1994a).
Other psychological tools exist, some of which we
address here. People value what appears scarce (Cialdini,
2021). HCGs and their leaders often claim that they are
the only ones with the actual truth or route to salvation
or success (Lifton, 1961/2014 Singer, 2003). Similarly,
pimps create competition within the stable through
rare acts of favoritism and highly coveted, yet scarce,
affection or approval (Farley, 2003). Additionally, the
immersive nature of HCGs and ST contributes to
psychological pressures, particularly through what
Cialdini (2021) calls social proof or general consensus.
When those around us share our beliefs and social
perceptions, the pressures of the HCG or ST setting
become harder to resist (Singer, 2003).
An atmosphere of intensity and excitement remains
common in HCGs and ST (Cialdini, 2021 Thomas,
2023), alongside many other experiential similarities
presented in Appendix 2. The life outside ST is
considered square—boring and undesirable (Bender,
2019). Many religious HCGs continue to stress the
doomsday, apocalyptic end of times (Festinger et
al., 1956) as well as the need for additional work or
funds (Layton, 1998 Martin, 1997 Mills, 1979). This
intensity also affects trauma bonds. As noted by Carnes
(2018), those with trauma bonds generally seek high
arousal that comes from danger and fear. Further,
“trauma pleasure is seeking or finding pleasure and
stimulation in the presence of extreme danger, violence,
risk, or shame” (Carnes, 2018, p. 44). These bonds also
shape physiological responses, promoting a false sense
of comfort and safety. These bonds, alongside other
experiential similarities, contribute to the similarities
in mental health issues which will be depicted in the
subsequent article. These similarities justify similar
therapeutic and other strategies to support survivors
of both contexts.