International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 9, Issue 2 2026 22
Clinton, however, had faced bias, discrimination, and
outright misogyny for most of her life. As a child, she
dreamed of becoming an astronaut and even wrote to
NASA, which replied saying that women could not be
astronauts. Years later, when she sat the entrance exam
for law school, young men berated her for potentially
taking a man’s position away from him. From these early
experiences through to the end of Bill Clinton’s two-
term presidency, Hillary Clinton had been scolded,
accused of crimes, lied about, publicly humiliated, and
more—and often for being a woman in politics rather
than for her political affiliation (see D’Antonio, 2020,
for a full account of the targeted campaigns against
her).
For all she had endured, however, the intensification
of conspiracy theory culture in the 2000s facilitated
an unprecedented level of vitriolic conspiratorial
narratives that took the nascent witch hunt against
Clinton to new and unimaginable levels. As Bordo
(2017) commented, “[O]f course, there was the gender
factor, which throughout Hillary’s career has made her
a living Rorschach test of people’s nightmare images of
female power. It’s no surprise that as she came closer
and closer to the most powerful position in the world,
the misogyny directed toward her became increasingly
vicious” (p. 27). The political–religious right’s fear that
feminists undermined conservative patriarchal values
meant that scapegoating and persecuting9
1
Clinton for
9 The terms scapegoat and scapegoating have a lengthy history, having
biblical foundations and subsequent theological translations. The details and
description of the process vary cross-culturally and have evolved throughout
history—and the behaviors associated with scapegoating pre-date the bible
(Douglas, 1995).
Scholarship on scapegoating is diverse and has defined and
adapted the concept according to academic field, culture of application and
time frame (Douglas, 1995 and Girard, 1986). Thus, scapegoating is no
longer confined to religious-political settings but is identified in numerous
institutional settings e.g. therapeutic, familial, and workplace (Douglas,
1995). For a comprehensive historical overview of scapegoating see Douglas
(1995) as well as Jensen (2007). This article draws both on Jensen’s use
of scapegoating within the context of witch hunts—and contemporary
psychological definitions.
Jensen uses scapegoating in his narrative whilst also addressing
that it has acquired multiple meanings and is closely connected to the
concept of persecution. One can use this latter concept (which Girard, 1986
discussed at length) in the context of the witch hunts to illustrate how victims
of ‘ritual violence’ are symbolic of others who are viewed as threats i.e. those
persecuted as witches were “symbolic of a female threat to patriarchy”
(Jensen, 2007, 53). Using the language of scapegoating witches is especially
common in research. This word connotes several processes including the
idea of ruling elites acting on their frustrations, anxieties and angers at
social conditions by purging these emotions by locating a target for them
e.g. identify women as witches and thus hold them accountable for social
problems. Scapegoating refers also to a tactic of diversion whereby the elites
engage in strategies that distract the population from other problems e.g.
identify women as witches to distract from the ideological battle between
Protestantism and Catholicism. Jensen is careful to note that scapegoating
1
all that was allegedly immoral in the United States was
not only an effective political strategy, but also it was
essential to preserving and expanding patriarchal order.
Although the witch hunt against Clinton began in the
very early days of her husband’s political aspirations,
many people with varying degrees of power colluded to
destroy her reputation and end any political ambitions
and power they feared she might have (D’Antonio,
2020).
The purpose of this article is to detail some of the
widely spread conspiracies about Clinton after she
won the Democratic nomination for the presidency
in 2016. To discuss and analyze these narratives as a
modern-day witch hunt, we first examine key themes
and characteristics of early European witch hunts.
These events form the basis for our analysis. Then we
examine the criteria for witch hunts (Wood et al., 2017)
and apply them to several Clinton conspiracy theories,
illustrating the concept’s continued efficacy.
Witch Hunts: Then and Now
Then: Politics, Religion, and Gender in the European
Witch Hunts (1300s–1700s)
The European witch hunts disproportionately
targeted women as witches because they were viewed
as spiritually weaker, more vulnerable to the devil’s
influence, sexually unbound, and, in myriad ways, lesser
than men (Goodare, 2016 Jensen, 2007 Russell, 1980).
Demonologists10 and the authorities linked to them
targeted women who were assertive, outspoken, and
defied traditional roles and religious expectations, and
therefore, the divine patriarchal order. Consequently,
monarchs, religious leaders, Christian reformers,
politicians, magistrates, and all others involved in
the machinations of the witch hunts sought to “purify
and persecution are closely connected—and that the numerous scholarly
contributions to scapegoating make conclusive and universally applicable
definitions of it, very difficult (Jensen, 2007).
Finally, scholars have produced social psychological theories
of scapegoating. Currently, the American Psychological Association defines
scapegoating as follows: “blaming: the process of directing one’s anger,
frustration, and aggression onto others and targeting them as the source
of one’s problems and misfortunes.” We find that both Jensen’s and the
APA’s approach to scapegoating are applicable, as is Jensen’s approach to
persecution.
10 Demonology is the study of witches, demons and other entities.
Beginning in the 1400s, religious figures, monarchs, academics, theologians
and others produced numerous texts and images that “debated the extent
and power of Satan, demons, and witches, about their corporeality or their
illusory nature” (Voltmer, 2020, p.20).
23
Susan Raine, Kilian LaBonte-bon |Witch Hunts and Gendered Politics
their realm[s]” of alleged witches and assorted other
deviants (Voltmer, 2020, p. 28). The infamous witch-
hunting tract, Malleus Maleficarum (1487), along
with other Christian writings (notably the works of
Augustine [396–430]), shaped the dominant Christian
approach at the time.11 Both the Catholic Church12 and
the Protestant reformers viewed witchcraft as heresy
that must be punished accordingly. Apparently, Satan’s
recruitment of women to destroy Christian society
(Jensen, 2007 Russell, 1980) stemmed “not only
because of their weakness, but also because of their
power,” a power primarily embedded in their abilities
as deceivers and seductresses (Westerkamp, 1999, p.
55). Thus, demonologists agreed that “women needed
to be controlled” (Goodare, 2020, p. 270).
Authorities targeted women at both macro and micro
levels. On one hand, powerful ruling institutions
established a broad mandate to seek out those in
league with Satan. On the other hand, in small
towns and villages throughout Europe, local people
sought answers to problems in their communities—
often scapegoating those troublesome women who
must be witches, meddling with magic and uttering
curses13 (Jensen, 2007). Periods of famine, plague,
war, and economic hardship led communities to look
for someone to blame, and accusations of witchcraft
often increased during times of crisis or as a means
of explaining personal or community misfortune
(Jensen, 2007). Authorities even accused witches
of causing various illnesses in children and of their
deaths. Similarly, in some regions, they were accused of
sucking children’s blood—claims that intersected with
11 Written by Heinrich Kramer (c. 1430 –1505) and Jakob Sprenger
(c. 1436 –1495), two priests of the Dominican Order, Malleus Maleficarum
greatly shaped public perception of witches and the claimed magnitude of
the threat that they posed. Despite the Catholic Church condemning its
publication, at least thirty-six editions were printed between 1487 and 1669
(Ungvarsky, 2024). Sales of Malleus Maleficarum were second only to the
Bible for around 200 years (Cornell University, 2025).
12 Until around the mid-fourteenth century, the Catholic Church
considered belief in witchcraft to be a superstition, not a real phenomenon,
and condemned those who believed in it. As belief in the reality of witches
became more widespread, the Church started to see witchcraft as a tangible
threat, particularly in connection with the devil (Jensen, 2007). Protestants
took for granted that the devil held great power and that they must actively
battle against him. The Catholic Reformation resulted in a shared focus:
Catholics and Protestants found common ground in their desire to eradicate
women identified as witches (Levack, 2006).
13 Accusers and prosecutors alike linked women’s everyday labors
and activities to dangerous forms of magic. Women at this time typically
uttered charms as they prepared food, worked with farm animals, tended
the household and so forth. These charms were considered a protection over
the activity from harm. Because women prepared food, they had an intimate
knowledge of herbs and of the healing properties of them (Goodare, 2016).
These normative practices became signs of witchcraft.
those of cannibalism (Goodare, 2016).
Contemporary scholarship finds that no single issue
fostered, fueled, or maintained the witch hunts
rather, a constellation of influences coalesced, creating
protracted and intermittent periods of persecution
throughout many European countries (Goodare,
2016 Jensen, 2007). Certainly, the witch hunts reflect
how social fears, misogyny, societal instability, and
localized factors combined to cultivate the persecution
of a group (Jensen, 2007). While academics have noted
regional histories and variations, one feature remains
clear: women bore the brunt of the accusations and
persecutions (Goodare, 2020 Jensen, 2007). Moreover,
as Jensen (2007) points out, identifying a woman as
a witch applies “a stigmatic label when demonizing
women as enemies or countering female challenges to
male authority” (p. 3).
Although not the direct cause of the witch hunts,
patriarchy “provided the essential preconditions” for
them (Goodare, 2020, p. 270). Significantly, during the
latter part of the sixteenth century, when the witch hunts
accelerated, several women occupied positions of power
in Europe. Prominent Protestant John Knox wrote that
women’s rule was “monstrous,” and his attitude became
mainstream across much of the population. Patriarchal
systems had clearly defined women’s roles: they should
be subordinate to men and deliberately kept out of
positions of authority (Goodare, 2020). Irrespective
of legitimate rank, women in positions of power were
considered a problem that should not be tolerated.14
Accusations, humiliation, imprisonment, extensive
torture, trials, and finally, a brutal and often public
death awaited most women who were designated as
witches. Malleus Maleficarum provided witch-hunters
and magistrates with guidelines for identifying and
prosecuting witches. It also identified as heretics those
who denied the reality of witches and those who aided
and abetted them. The public nature of certain features
of examination, torture, and death served as a warning
to others: this is what happens to wicked women.
14 Some scholars propose that the seventeenth century witch hunts in
the United States were at least partially the result of new social configurations
that diminished the power of religion in social organization and helped
group members reaffirm their identity through the persecution of witches
(Reed, 2007).
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