23
Susan Raine, Kilian LaBonte-bon |Witch Hunts and Gendered Politics
their realm[s]” of alleged witches and assorted other
deviants (Voltmer, 2020, p. 28). The infamous witch-
hunting tract, Malleus Maleficarum (1487), along
with other Christian writings (notably the works of
Augustine [396–430]), shaped the dominant Christian
approach at the time.11 Both the Catholic Church12 and
the Protestant reformers viewed witchcraft as heresy
that must be punished accordingly. Apparently, Satan’s
recruitment of women to destroy Christian society
(Jensen, 2007 Russell, 1980) stemmed “not only
because of their weakness, but also because of their
power,” a power primarily embedded in their abilities
as deceivers and seductresses (Westerkamp, 1999, p.
55). Thus, demonologists agreed that “women needed
to be controlled” (Goodare, 2020, p. 270).
Authorities targeted women at both macro and micro
levels. On one hand, powerful ruling institutions
established a broad mandate to seek out those in
league with Satan. On the other hand, in small
towns and villages throughout Europe, local people
sought answers to problems in their communities—
often scapegoating those troublesome women who
must be witches, meddling with magic and uttering
curses13 (Jensen, 2007). Periods of famine, plague,
war, and economic hardship led communities to look
for someone to blame, and accusations of witchcraft
often increased during times of crisis or as a means
of explaining personal or community misfortune
(Jensen, 2007). Authorities even accused witches
of causing various illnesses in children and of their
deaths. Similarly, in some regions, they were accused of
sucking children’s blood—claims that intersected with
11 Written by Heinrich Kramer (c. 1430 –1505) and Jakob Sprenger
(c. 1436 –1495), two priests of the Dominican Order, Malleus Maleficarum
greatly shaped public perception of witches and the claimed magnitude of
the threat that they posed. Despite the Catholic Church condemning its
publication, at least thirty-six editions were printed between 1487 and 1669
(Ungvarsky, 2024). Sales of Malleus Maleficarum were second only to the
Bible for around 200 years (Cornell University, 2025).
12 Until around the mid-fourteenth century, the Catholic Church
considered belief in witchcraft to be a superstition, not a real phenomenon,
and condemned those who believed in it. As belief in the reality of witches
became more widespread, the Church started to see witchcraft as a tangible
threat, particularly in connection with the devil (Jensen, 2007). Protestants
took for granted that the devil held great power and that they must actively
battle against him. The Catholic Reformation resulted in a shared focus:
Catholics and Protestants found common ground in their desire to eradicate
women identified as witches (Levack, 2006).
13 Accusers and prosecutors alike linked women’s everyday labors
and activities to dangerous forms of magic. Women at this time typically
uttered charms as they prepared food, worked with farm animals, tended
the household and so forth. These charms were considered a protection over
the activity from harm. Because women prepared food, they had an intimate
knowledge of herbs and of the healing properties of them (Goodare, 2016).
These normative practices became signs of witchcraft.
those of cannibalism (Goodare, 2016).
Contemporary scholarship finds that no single issue
fostered, fueled, or maintained the witch hunts
rather, a constellation of influences coalesced, creating
protracted and intermittent periods of persecution
throughout many European countries (Goodare,
2016 Jensen, 2007). Certainly, the witch hunts reflect
how social fears, misogyny, societal instability, and
localized factors combined to cultivate the persecution
of a group (Jensen, 2007). While academics have noted
regional histories and variations, one feature remains
clear: women bore the brunt of the accusations and
persecutions (Goodare, 2020 Jensen, 2007). Moreover,
as Jensen (2007) points out, identifying a woman as
a witch applies “a stigmatic label when demonizing
women as enemies or countering female challenges to
male authority” (p. 3).
Although not the direct cause of the witch hunts,
patriarchy “provided the essential preconditions” for
them (Goodare, 2020, p. 270). Significantly, during the
latter part of the sixteenth century, when the witch hunts
accelerated, several women occupied positions of power
in Europe. Prominent Protestant John Knox wrote that
women’s rule was “monstrous,” and his attitude became
mainstream across much of the population. Patriarchal
systems had clearly defined women’s roles: they should
be subordinate to men and deliberately kept out of
positions of authority (Goodare, 2020). Irrespective
of legitimate rank, women in positions of power were
considered a problem that should not be tolerated.14
Accusations, humiliation, imprisonment, extensive
torture, trials, and finally, a brutal and often public
death awaited most women who were designated as
witches. Malleus Maleficarum provided witch-hunters
and magistrates with guidelines for identifying and
prosecuting witches. It also identified as heretics those
who denied the reality of witches and those who aided
and abetted them. The public nature of certain features
of examination, torture, and death served as a warning
to others: this is what happens to wicked women.
14 Some scholars propose that the seventeenth century witch hunts in
the United States were at least partially the result of new social configurations
that diminished the power of religion in social organization and helped
group members reaffirm their identity through the persecution of witches
(Reed, 2007).
Susan Raine, Kilian LaBonte-bon |Witch Hunts and Gendered Politics
their realm[s]” of alleged witches and assorted other
deviants (Voltmer, 2020, p. 28). The infamous witch-
hunting tract, Malleus Maleficarum (1487), along
with other Christian writings (notably the works of
Augustine [396–430]), shaped the dominant Christian
approach at the time.11 Both the Catholic Church12 and
the Protestant reformers viewed witchcraft as heresy
that must be punished accordingly. Apparently, Satan’s
recruitment of women to destroy Christian society
(Jensen, 2007 Russell, 1980) stemmed “not only
because of their weakness, but also because of their
power,” a power primarily embedded in their abilities
as deceivers and seductresses (Westerkamp, 1999, p.
55). Thus, demonologists agreed that “women needed
to be controlled” (Goodare, 2020, p. 270).
Authorities targeted women at both macro and micro
levels. On one hand, powerful ruling institutions
established a broad mandate to seek out those in
league with Satan. On the other hand, in small
towns and villages throughout Europe, local people
sought answers to problems in their communities—
often scapegoating those troublesome women who
must be witches, meddling with magic and uttering
curses13 (Jensen, 2007). Periods of famine, plague,
war, and economic hardship led communities to look
for someone to blame, and accusations of witchcraft
often increased during times of crisis or as a means
of explaining personal or community misfortune
(Jensen, 2007). Authorities even accused witches
of causing various illnesses in children and of their
deaths. Similarly, in some regions, they were accused of
sucking children’s blood—claims that intersected with
11 Written by Heinrich Kramer (c. 1430 –1505) and Jakob Sprenger
(c. 1436 –1495), two priests of the Dominican Order, Malleus Maleficarum
greatly shaped public perception of witches and the claimed magnitude of
the threat that they posed. Despite the Catholic Church condemning its
publication, at least thirty-six editions were printed between 1487 and 1669
(Ungvarsky, 2024). Sales of Malleus Maleficarum were second only to the
Bible for around 200 years (Cornell University, 2025).
12 Until around the mid-fourteenth century, the Catholic Church
considered belief in witchcraft to be a superstition, not a real phenomenon,
and condemned those who believed in it. As belief in the reality of witches
became more widespread, the Church started to see witchcraft as a tangible
threat, particularly in connection with the devil (Jensen, 2007). Protestants
took for granted that the devil held great power and that they must actively
battle against him. The Catholic Reformation resulted in a shared focus:
Catholics and Protestants found common ground in their desire to eradicate
women identified as witches (Levack, 2006).
13 Accusers and prosecutors alike linked women’s everyday labors
and activities to dangerous forms of magic. Women at this time typically
uttered charms as they prepared food, worked with farm animals, tended
the household and so forth. These charms were considered a protection over
the activity from harm. Because women prepared food, they had an intimate
knowledge of herbs and of the healing properties of them (Goodare, 2016).
These normative practices became signs of witchcraft.
those of cannibalism (Goodare, 2016).
Contemporary scholarship finds that no single issue
fostered, fueled, or maintained the witch hunts
rather, a constellation of influences coalesced, creating
protracted and intermittent periods of persecution
throughout many European countries (Goodare,
2016 Jensen, 2007). Certainly, the witch hunts reflect
how social fears, misogyny, societal instability, and
localized factors combined to cultivate the persecution
of a group (Jensen, 2007). While academics have noted
regional histories and variations, one feature remains
clear: women bore the brunt of the accusations and
persecutions (Goodare, 2020 Jensen, 2007). Moreover,
as Jensen (2007) points out, identifying a woman as
a witch applies “a stigmatic label when demonizing
women as enemies or countering female challenges to
male authority” (p. 3).
Although not the direct cause of the witch hunts,
patriarchy “provided the essential preconditions” for
them (Goodare, 2020, p. 270). Significantly, during the
latter part of the sixteenth century, when the witch hunts
accelerated, several women occupied positions of power
in Europe. Prominent Protestant John Knox wrote that
women’s rule was “monstrous,” and his attitude became
mainstream across much of the population. Patriarchal
systems had clearly defined women’s roles: they should
be subordinate to men and deliberately kept out of
positions of authority (Goodare, 2020). Irrespective
of legitimate rank, women in positions of power were
considered a problem that should not be tolerated.14
Accusations, humiliation, imprisonment, extensive
torture, trials, and finally, a brutal and often public
death awaited most women who were designated as
witches. Malleus Maleficarum provided witch-hunters
and magistrates with guidelines for identifying and
prosecuting witches. It also identified as heretics those
who denied the reality of witches and those who aided
and abetted them. The public nature of certain features
of examination, torture, and death served as a warning
to others: this is what happens to wicked women.
14 Some scholars propose that the seventeenth century witch hunts in
the United States were at least partially the result of new social configurations
that diminished the power of religion in social organization and helped
group members reaffirm their identity through the persecution of witches
(Reed, 2007).
