Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1991, Page 7
The transformation of the godmen into moneymen was swift and effective, for the market
had already been created by Christian salesmen, the rightist fundamentalists with whom
they began to compete for money, influence, and souls. Thus, the high tide of the Pacific
paradigm has, ironically, incorporated the waning Atlantic paradigm to accommodate to the
possibilities of the new world marketplace.
This new religiosity came as a surprise for most people. They had settled down to the belief
that the time of religion had ended and the time of secularism had arrived. Yet suddenly,
religion flared up unexpectedly. The simple fact is that this new boom in religion has not
come about in spite of secularization, but because of secularization. As noted earlier, secular
models --whether civil religion, fascism, or communism --do not adequately address
death, love, and boredom. The new religious movements have stepped into this void. But
they also are failing. They too are pseudoreligions.
Many specialists in religion do not recognize these counterfeits for what they are. They
seem to assume that all expressions of religion are genuine, that counterfeits do not exist.
Tell that to an art specialist who has to own up to buying a counterfeit painting!
Counterfeits do exist. And learning to distinguish the genuine from the fake is a challenge
that offers true religosity and true religion an opportunity for renewal.
"Recoding"
The quotation with which we began this essay dealt with Iceland in 1000 A.D. If we should
apply it to Europe and North America in the year 2000, it might read as follows:
The religious change to an oriental religiosity in the year 2000 was something
quite different from conversion from one faith to another. It was not the
content of the Hindu-Buddhist faith that was central in the religious change.
It was rather the recognized need for a new code. The new era was marked
by the oriental world view much more than by faith.
With this understanding of what is already happening in 1991, but which may well find its
culmination at the end of this decade, we can explain why so many deny the confrontation
between Christianity and Hinduism-Buddhism. They do not experience it as a question of
their faith. They see it rather as a question of a new world view, and for them it has nothing
to do with religion or faith or conversion.
This skewed understanding obviously has nothing directly to do with conversion. The
pioneers in the coming religious change have no desire to undertake a conversion to
Hinduism-Buddhism. They do not wish to become Hindus or Buddhists, much less to be
considered Hindus or Buddhists. Many of them, indeed, wish to stay in the Church and be
reckoned as Christians. Some believe, furthermore, that they have become better Christians
by accepting the new world view.
The distinction between religious change and conversion is the key to the situation, for in
1991 a comprehensive religious change in Europe and North America is undoubtedly taking
place, yet there are only a limited number of conversions to oriental religiosity. Moreover,
the content of the religious change is discussed in terms of a new vision of the world.
The process of religious change is most apparent in the religious education in schools. A
debate has been set into motion by a group of educators who have undergone religious
change, even though they have not been converted to anything at all. Of course, they will
not admit this, for it is characteristic of the process of religious change that it is not
recognized. There are, nonetheless, some prominent representatives of the process who
honestly admit that there is a "conspiracy" (see Ferguson, 1980), but most do not see it and
participate unknowingly.
The transformation of the godmen into moneymen was swift and effective, for the market
had already been created by Christian salesmen, the rightist fundamentalists with whom
they began to compete for money, influence, and souls. Thus, the high tide of the Pacific
paradigm has, ironically, incorporated the waning Atlantic paradigm to accommodate to the
possibilities of the new world marketplace.
This new religiosity came as a surprise for most people. They had settled down to the belief
that the time of religion had ended and the time of secularism had arrived. Yet suddenly,
religion flared up unexpectedly. The simple fact is that this new boom in religion has not
come about in spite of secularization, but because of secularization. As noted earlier, secular
models --whether civil religion, fascism, or communism --do not adequately address
death, love, and boredom. The new religious movements have stepped into this void. But
they also are failing. They too are pseudoreligions.
Many specialists in religion do not recognize these counterfeits for what they are. They
seem to assume that all expressions of religion are genuine, that counterfeits do not exist.
Tell that to an art specialist who has to own up to buying a counterfeit painting!
Counterfeits do exist. And learning to distinguish the genuine from the fake is a challenge
that offers true religosity and true religion an opportunity for renewal.
"Recoding"
The quotation with which we began this essay dealt with Iceland in 1000 A.D. If we should
apply it to Europe and North America in the year 2000, it might read as follows:
The religious change to an oriental religiosity in the year 2000 was something
quite different from conversion from one faith to another. It was not the
content of the Hindu-Buddhist faith that was central in the religious change.
It was rather the recognized need for a new code. The new era was marked
by the oriental world view much more than by faith.
With this understanding of what is already happening in 1991, but which may well find its
culmination at the end of this decade, we can explain why so many deny the confrontation
between Christianity and Hinduism-Buddhism. They do not experience it as a question of
their faith. They see it rather as a question of a new world view, and for them it has nothing
to do with religion or faith or conversion.
This skewed understanding obviously has nothing directly to do with conversion. The
pioneers in the coming religious change have no desire to undertake a conversion to
Hinduism-Buddhism. They do not wish to become Hindus or Buddhists, much less to be
considered Hindus or Buddhists. Many of them, indeed, wish to stay in the Church and be
reckoned as Christians. Some believe, furthermore, that they have become better Christians
by accepting the new world view.
The distinction between religious change and conversion is the key to the situation, for in
1991 a comprehensive religious change in Europe and North America is undoubtedly taking
place, yet there are only a limited number of conversions to oriental religiosity. Moreover,
the content of the religious change is discussed in terms of a new vision of the world.
The process of religious change is most apparent in the religious education in schools. A
debate has been set into motion by a group of educators who have undergone religious
change, even though they have not been converted to anything at all. Of course, they will
not admit this, for it is characteristic of the process of religious change that it is not
recognized. There are, nonetheless, some prominent representatives of the process who
honestly admit that there is a "conspiracy" (see Ferguson, 1980), but most do not see it and
participate unknowingly.




















































































































