Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2005, Page 27
of diet-related illnesses such as obesity, diabetes, heart disease, etc. My objective,
however, in this study is to critically engage certain group doctrines and practices involving
diet that might be harmful to members. The diets of some groups, in some instances,
contain potentially harmful dimensions that reflect the control issues of leaders as well as
the power structures embedded within the group organization and operation. Following
Michel Foucault, we see that the body is, ―…a target and vehicle of modern disciplinary
practices‖ (Sawicki, 1991: 95) but in this instance, the disciplinarians are ideological
leaders. Through severe food restrictions, these leaders enhance their influence over the
individual and in turn, the individual develops the illusion of gaining control over his or her
own body.
Traditional Notions of Food and Religion
In the traditional religious studies literature dealing with diet or food and religion, several
themes are prevalent. From a religious studies perspective, Paul Fieldhouse‘s study of the
role of diet in religion examines the use of food to communicate with God or with
otherworldly deities (Fieldhouse, 1995:120). Communication usually takes place with a
food sacrifice involving a ritualistic or symbolic act, such as taking the Eucharist in
Christianity. The Eucharist is a highly symbolic act in protestant Christianity, whereas in the
Catholic tradition, the bread and wine become the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ through
the process of transubstantiation (Fieldhouse, 1995: 103 Oxtoby, 1996: 220).
Another traditional notion surrounding food and religion is that food practices demonstrate
one‘s faith (Ayoub,1996: 382 Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). For example, Jewish, Muslim, and
Hindu dietary laws express followers‘ acceptance of the reputed word of God. Furthermore,
religious followers deny food to reject worldliness (Amore and Ching, 1996: 219
Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). Fasting is the most common way that religious devotees reject the
world to practice asceticism6—a point to which I will return, as it is very important for my
theoretical discussion. Food practices also enhance group feelings of solidarity and identity
(Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). As Fieldhouse articulates, ―[I]individuals who observe codified
food rules make a public demonstration of belonging to a group, and every day provide
themselves with a private affirmation of identification with the group. In this way, a sense
of belonging is constantly reinforced‖ (Fieldhouse, 1995: 122).
Food practices relate to religion because they are an expression of separateness from other
religious or nonreligious groups (Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). This function of separation is clear
in Jewish and Muslim dietary laws, and Hindu caste rules are very specific about who can
and cannot eat certain foods (Fieldhouse, 1995: 122 Narayanan, 1996: 89 Segal, 1995:
108). Finally, religious followers use food practices in a spiritual context for ecological
reasons, such as vegetarianism or veganism in the New Age spirituality movement
(Fieldhouse, 1995: 120).
These traditional notions and themes surrounding the religious functions of food are valid
and useful perspectives, but are incomplete. Fieldhouse‘s discussion, for example, does not
identify that some ideological groups use food and diet restrictions to control followers in a
pervasive and comprehensive manner. In addressing this omission, I argue that some high
demand ideological leaders use dietary restrictions in attempts to govern followers‘ bodies
as if they were surrogates for their own bodies.
Anorexia Nervosa
Some high-commitment ideological groups that exact dietary restrictions are analogous to
anorexics7 who restrict their own diets in attempts to regulate their lives (Bruch, 1978
Bruch, 1997 Brumberg 1988 Lelwica, 1999 Miles, 1995). In this context, anorexia
nervosa is a disease that completely encompasses the sufferers‘ lives. They make basic,
everyday decisions based on their relation and desire for self-regimentation. The anorexic
of diet-related illnesses such as obesity, diabetes, heart disease, etc. My objective,
however, in this study is to critically engage certain group doctrines and practices involving
diet that might be harmful to members. The diets of some groups, in some instances,
contain potentially harmful dimensions that reflect the control issues of leaders as well as
the power structures embedded within the group organization and operation. Following
Michel Foucault, we see that the body is, ―…a target and vehicle of modern disciplinary
practices‖ (Sawicki, 1991: 95) but in this instance, the disciplinarians are ideological
leaders. Through severe food restrictions, these leaders enhance their influence over the
individual and in turn, the individual develops the illusion of gaining control over his or her
own body.
Traditional Notions of Food and Religion
In the traditional religious studies literature dealing with diet or food and religion, several
themes are prevalent. From a religious studies perspective, Paul Fieldhouse‘s study of the
role of diet in religion examines the use of food to communicate with God or with
otherworldly deities (Fieldhouse, 1995:120). Communication usually takes place with a
food sacrifice involving a ritualistic or symbolic act, such as taking the Eucharist in
Christianity. The Eucharist is a highly symbolic act in protestant Christianity, whereas in the
Catholic tradition, the bread and wine become the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ through
the process of transubstantiation (Fieldhouse, 1995: 103 Oxtoby, 1996: 220).
Another traditional notion surrounding food and religion is that food practices demonstrate
one‘s faith (Ayoub,1996: 382 Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). For example, Jewish, Muslim, and
Hindu dietary laws express followers‘ acceptance of the reputed word of God. Furthermore,
religious followers deny food to reject worldliness (Amore and Ching, 1996: 219
Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). Fasting is the most common way that religious devotees reject the
world to practice asceticism6—a point to which I will return, as it is very important for my
theoretical discussion. Food practices also enhance group feelings of solidarity and identity
(Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). As Fieldhouse articulates, ―[I]individuals who observe codified
food rules make a public demonstration of belonging to a group, and every day provide
themselves with a private affirmation of identification with the group. In this way, a sense
of belonging is constantly reinforced‖ (Fieldhouse, 1995: 122).
Food practices relate to religion because they are an expression of separateness from other
religious or nonreligious groups (Fieldhouse, 1995: 120). This function of separation is clear
in Jewish and Muslim dietary laws, and Hindu caste rules are very specific about who can
and cannot eat certain foods (Fieldhouse, 1995: 122 Narayanan, 1996: 89 Segal, 1995:
108). Finally, religious followers use food practices in a spiritual context for ecological
reasons, such as vegetarianism or veganism in the New Age spirituality movement
(Fieldhouse, 1995: 120).
These traditional notions and themes surrounding the religious functions of food are valid
and useful perspectives, but are incomplete. Fieldhouse‘s discussion, for example, does not
identify that some ideological groups use food and diet restrictions to control followers in a
pervasive and comprehensive manner. In addressing this omission, I argue that some high
demand ideological leaders use dietary restrictions in attempts to govern followers‘ bodies
as if they were surrogates for their own bodies.
Anorexia Nervosa
Some high-commitment ideological groups that exact dietary restrictions are analogous to
anorexics7 who restrict their own diets in attempts to regulate their lives (Bruch, 1978
Bruch, 1997 Brumberg 1988 Lelwica, 1999 Miles, 1995). In this context, anorexia
nervosa is a disease that completely encompasses the sufferers‘ lives. They make basic,
everyday decisions based on their relation and desire for self-regimentation. The anorexic
