Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 64
differences openly rather than through the veil of scientific objectivity would constitute a
measure of progress‖ (p. 33). I do not, however, see the political dispute as the coalitions‘
defending ―alternative sources of authorization and tacitly accept[ing] the different costs
associated with expanded religious or state authorization‖ (p. 33). Dr. Bromley sees the
conflict involving different value preferences I see the conflict involving different judgments
about the empirical reality of ethical transgressions and harms and the consequences of
remedial actions concerning cultic and related groups. Dr. Bromley sees the political dispute
as a natural consequence of the two camps‘ value preferences I see the political dispute as
an understandable, though not inevitable, consequence of the two camps‘ competing for
power and influence in the media, education, medicine, the courts, academia, and
government.
I suspect that some members of each coalition seek in each of these realms the absolute
triumph of their own unproven and uncertain view of empirical reality. Unfortunately, these
people can come to have a disproportionate influence over the decisions of policy makers.
How does this happen? It happens when, as Amitrani and Di Marzio express it in this issue,
these people act more like prosecutors and defense attorneys than scholars or
professionals:
when they omit important pieces of information (including, but not limited to,
financial and other relationships that might affect their testimony or writing) and/or
slant their presentations in order to engineer a particular response
when they directly or indirectly use ad hominem attacks as a substitute for rational
or empirical arguments, e.g., the campaign to ―blacklist‖ notions of brainwashing
Zablocki, 1997)
when they form or even appear to form alliances with organizations that are widely
perceived to be untrustworthy or dangerous
when they studiously avoid granting their opponents even a modicum of credibility
for points well taken
when they studiously avoid mentioning any facts that might be perceived as
weakening their case
when they distort or, worse, caricature their opponents‘ points of view
when they substitute slogans for facts
when they abuse science by ignoring methodological deficiencies of studies that
agree with their opinions and highlighting such deficiencies in studies that arrive at
contrary conclusions
when they deliberately appeal to emotion instead of reason.
We expect this kind of truth-twisting from attorneys, salesmen, and some others. But we
do not expect it from scholars and professionals ostensibly reporting on their academic
research or professional experience. Obviously, in some settings (e.g., testifying as an
expert witness in a court case) less academic objectivity is expected than in other settings
(e.g., testimony to an official investigative body, publications submitted to academic
journals, interviews granted to journalists). When, however, scholars or professionals
become truth-twisting advocates outside as well as inside the courtroom, their credibility
wanes.
Ironically, eschewing prosecutorial or defense-attorney roles and openly acknowledging the
scientific uncertainty attached to their views would probably magnify the potentially
constructive impact of scholars and professionals testifying to decision-makers. Competent
differences openly rather than through the veil of scientific objectivity would constitute a
measure of progress‖ (p. 33). I do not, however, see the political dispute as the coalitions‘
defending ―alternative sources of authorization and tacitly accept[ing] the different costs
associated with expanded religious or state authorization‖ (p. 33). Dr. Bromley sees the
conflict involving different value preferences I see the conflict involving different judgments
about the empirical reality of ethical transgressions and harms and the consequences of
remedial actions concerning cultic and related groups. Dr. Bromley sees the political dispute
as a natural consequence of the two camps‘ value preferences I see the political dispute as
an understandable, though not inevitable, consequence of the two camps‘ competing for
power and influence in the media, education, medicine, the courts, academia, and
government.
I suspect that some members of each coalition seek in each of these realms the absolute
triumph of their own unproven and uncertain view of empirical reality. Unfortunately, these
people can come to have a disproportionate influence over the decisions of policy makers.
How does this happen? It happens when, as Amitrani and Di Marzio express it in this issue,
these people act more like prosecutors and defense attorneys than scholars or
professionals:
when they omit important pieces of information (including, but not limited to,
financial and other relationships that might affect their testimony or writing) and/or
slant their presentations in order to engineer a particular response
when they directly or indirectly use ad hominem attacks as a substitute for rational
or empirical arguments, e.g., the campaign to ―blacklist‖ notions of brainwashing
Zablocki, 1997)
when they form or even appear to form alliances with organizations that are widely
perceived to be untrustworthy or dangerous
when they studiously avoid granting their opponents even a modicum of credibility
for points well taken
when they studiously avoid mentioning any facts that might be perceived as
weakening their case
when they distort or, worse, caricature their opponents‘ points of view
when they substitute slogans for facts
when they abuse science by ignoring methodological deficiencies of studies that
agree with their opinions and highlighting such deficiencies in studies that arrive at
contrary conclusions
when they deliberately appeal to emotion instead of reason.
We expect this kind of truth-twisting from attorneys, salesmen, and some others. But we
do not expect it from scholars and professionals ostensibly reporting on their academic
research or professional experience. Obviously, in some settings (e.g., testifying as an
expert witness in a court case) less academic objectivity is expected than in other settings
(e.g., testimony to an official investigative body, publications submitted to academic
journals, interviews granted to journalists). When, however, scholars or professionals
become truth-twisting advocates outside as well as inside the courtroom, their credibility
wanes.
Ironically, eschewing prosecutorial or defense-attorney roles and openly acknowledging the
scientific uncertainty attached to their views would probably magnify the potentially
constructive impact of scholars and professionals testifying to decision-makers. Competent
















































































































































