Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 28
ourselves, while deploring its consequences in others―we‖ belong to the civilized majority,
while barbarian right wing fanatics stand as a solid phalanx on the other side of the
barricades. So deeply entrenched are many individuals' concepts of the right (in the form of
archetypes) that it is in fact certain stereotyping occurs in the course of this paper.
However, if it is true that much right wing activism emanates from tendencies towards
stereotyping in which we all engage, it suggests that the propaganda of far right groups
could provoke a wider echo, under certain conditions. Even if such an echo falls short of
majority support, and even if it proves a temporary aberration, it could still be sufficient to
inflict significant damage on the political process. The upsurge of support for One Nation in
Australia, now halted, is one warning of this possibility.
Furthermore, the theology of Christian Identity may evoke an opposite but equally powerful
reaction from many of those it stigmatizes. Suffering is not ennobling and does not create a
monopoly of virtue. A variety of attitude measurements taken in the past have shown that
Jewish students who felt themselves the victims of prejudice were more rather than less
likely to display anti-Negro sentiments. Catholic students who were surveyed and felt that
they had been victimized ranked higher on tests of both anti-Semitism and anti-Negro
prejudice than those who did not. (These studies are discussed in detail by Young-Bruehl,
1996, p.53). Those at the receiving end of prejudice themselves feel frustration, and in turn
direct this against other minority groups. A spiral of social disintegration can be set in
motion, in which a fragmented society turns in on itself, allowing all sorts of bizarre cults to
seize this time as their time and impose a separatist agenda on our society. In the heat of
the night, white supremacist movements may yet find real phantoms stepping out of the
shadows to greet them.
Not all supremacist organizations are cults. Some do not meet the most commonly agreed
criteria for cultic organizations that are familiar to readers of this journal (See Langone,
1993, pp. 2-5). However, they do possess what we would describe as a cultic mindset. In
some cases, the forms of organization adopted on the far right lag slightly behind the
mentality of their members. Thus, as outlined at the beginning of this paper, cults are best
viewed on a continuum. As we have argued here, some ideologies are particularly liable to
activate the process of cultic formation.
Our primary concern has been with Christian Identity. David Neiwert has accurately
described its belief system as
so far astray from those of mainstream Christianity --and so repellant to
average Americans -that they induce in the religion‘s followers a cult-like
closed mind-set: a sense of persecution coupled with self-righteousness.
(Cited by Knickerbocker, 1999, p.2)
For those fired by the passions of prejudice, Posse Comitatus, Aryan Nations, and the other
groups on the supremacist right offer the certainty of absolute conviction. They tantalize
with a feast of simple answers to complex problems. Above all, at long last, there will be
someone to blame. In the eyes of many, some answerany answeris better than none.
By comparison, most mainstream politicians seem incapable of offering solutions. The
simple certainties of the far right often appear a welcome refuge from the torrent of change
engulfing the outside world. Just how many people have been inspired in this way is a moot
point. However, Rosemary Ruether, a professor of applied theology, estimates that about
50,000 people call themselves Identity Christians (Cited by Knickerbocker, 1999, p.2). This
is not an insignificant force. As Cox (1998) argues, we should not underestimate what is a
heavily armed and often dangerous force, nor underestimate its ability to exploit anxieties
rampant in the wider society. For example, a key precursor of the modern militia movement
is the Ku Klux Klan. Its efforts are commonly credited with securing the election of
governors in Georgia, Alabama, California, Indiana, and Oregon in the 1920s (Miller, 1958).
ourselves, while deploring its consequences in others―we‖ belong to the civilized majority,
while barbarian right wing fanatics stand as a solid phalanx on the other side of the
barricades. So deeply entrenched are many individuals' concepts of the right (in the form of
archetypes) that it is in fact certain stereotyping occurs in the course of this paper.
However, if it is true that much right wing activism emanates from tendencies towards
stereotyping in which we all engage, it suggests that the propaganda of far right groups
could provoke a wider echo, under certain conditions. Even if such an echo falls short of
majority support, and even if it proves a temporary aberration, it could still be sufficient to
inflict significant damage on the political process. The upsurge of support for One Nation in
Australia, now halted, is one warning of this possibility.
Furthermore, the theology of Christian Identity may evoke an opposite but equally powerful
reaction from many of those it stigmatizes. Suffering is not ennobling and does not create a
monopoly of virtue. A variety of attitude measurements taken in the past have shown that
Jewish students who felt themselves the victims of prejudice were more rather than less
likely to display anti-Negro sentiments. Catholic students who were surveyed and felt that
they had been victimized ranked higher on tests of both anti-Semitism and anti-Negro
prejudice than those who did not. (These studies are discussed in detail by Young-Bruehl,
1996, p.53). Those at the receiving end of prejudice themselves feel frustration, and in turn
direct this against other minority groups. A spiral of social disintegration can be set in
motion, in which a fragmented society turns in on itself, allowing all sorts of bizarre cults to
seize this time as their time and impose a separatist agenda on our society. In the heat of
the night, white supremacist movements may yet find real phantoms stepping out of the
shadows to greet them.
Not all supremacist organizations are cults. Some do not meet the most commonly agreed
criteria for cultic organizations that are familiar to readers of this journal (See Langone,
1993, pp. 2-5). However, they do possess what we would describe as a cultic mindset. In
some cases, the forms of organization adopted on the far right lag slightly behind the
mentality of their members. Thus, as outlined at the beginning of this paper, cults are best
viewed on a continuum. As we have argued here, some ideologies are particularly liable to
activate the process of cultic formation.
Our primary concern has been with Christian Identity. David Neiwert has accurately
described its belief system as
so far astray from those of mainstream Christianity --and so repellant to
average Americans -that they induce in the religion‘s followers a cult-like
closed mind-set: a sense of persecution coupled with self-righteousness.
(Cited by Knickerbocker, 1999, p.2)
For those fired by the passions of prejudice, Posse Comitatus, Aryan Nations, and the other
groups on the supremacist right offer the certainty of absolute conviction. They tantalize
with a feast of simple answers to complex problems. Above all, at long last, there will be
someone to blame. In the eyes of many, some answerany answeris better than none.
By comparison, most mainstream politicians seem incapable of offering solutions. The
simple certainties of the far right often appear a welcome refuge from the torrent of change
engulfing the outside world. Just how many people have been inspired in this way is a moot
point. However, Rosemary Ruether, a professor of applied theology, estimates that about
50,000 people call themselves Identity Christians (Cited by Knickerbocker, 1999, p.2). This
is not an insignificant force. As Cox (1998) argues, we should not underestimate what is a
heavily armed and often dangerous force, nor underestimate its ability to exploit anxieties
rampant in the wider society. For example, a key precursor of the modern militia movement
is the Ku Klux Klan. Its efforts are commonly credited with securing the election of
governors in Georgia, Alabama, California, Indiana, and Oregon in the 1920s (Miller, 1958).
















































































































































