Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 106
Rituals
Rituals vary greatly from group to group. Though a strong ritualization of daily life can exist
in some groups, other communities have minimal group ceremonies, although members
may spend much personal time on intimate rituals and personal spiritual activities. Small
study groups are often encouraged as an intrinsic part of each member‘s spiritual practice
and enlightenment. In some of these communities practically no group rituals are held
most spiritual activity takes the form of personal study of sacred texts, reflection on holy
writings, or meditation. However, even in groups with minimal ritualization, particular forms
of spiritual experiences, such as meditation or silent praying, are regularly shared in a group
context. Finally, for some groups who share a philosophy of indulgence, spiritual practice is
seen to be best experienced through proselytizing activities.
Doctrine
Often doctrine is impenetrable, obscure, or difficult to access. Secret documents and rare or
highly valued sacred texts are very difficult to consult because access to the doctrine usually
requires attaining a certain level of knowledge and spiritual enlightenment. Doctrinal
information is thus extremely valuable and very well protected through hermetic language,
difficult concepts, and rarity of documents. Hence, formalized doctrinal education is
paramount to whoever wishes to pursue his or her spiritual development or play a role in
the group‘s social organization. In practice, only a select few have access to all of the
doctrinal texts or reference books. This unavailability of doctrinal material and its
impenetrable quality once one has access to it encourage a mentor-type closed relationship
in which a spiritual guide passes down to one or two selected youth the semantic, symbolic,
and syntactic keys necessary to understand the very language of the doctrine. Owing to
these secretive and hermetic aspects of doctrinal transmission, the doctrine often changes
over time, being created and recreated as those who do access the doctrine integrate it and
slowly make it their own.
When sacred texts are accessible to all members, their language and meaning are often
obscure and are sometimes written in ancient or little known languages. A lifelong process
of formal learning of the doctrine is hence necessary to distinguish oneself within the group.
Spatial Organization
Unlike the other types of groups described in this paper, members of philosophy of
indulgence groups do not tend to segregate themselves from society. Indeed, their shared
philosophy, whether it is manifest in active proselytism or not, stimulates a desire to share
their life experiences with non-members. Hence, they feel free to engage in relationships
with members and non-members alike, not only because they don‘t fear contamination or
victimization, but because they wish to demonstrate through the discreet testimony of their
own life the strength they feel their belief system gives them.
Social Organization
The informal hierarchy typical of such groups is of a pyramidal nature. One‘s social position
within the group depends on how one is seen to master the group‘s doctrine. Though the
exact power structure of a given group may remain partially obscure, even to the inside
observer, the person seen by the group as possessing the most doctrinal knowledge and the
highest spiritual development is usually at the top of the pyramid he or she is the leader.
Owing to the ineffable and esoteric qualities it takes to be the leader, leadership once
attained is often kept until death occurs. Within the select few who are identified as being of
a high rank in these pyramidal power structures, usually the leader has designated one
successor as his or her spiritual heir. Though some political struggles may occur, they are
usually restricted to such a high level of the social organization that most ordinary members
are not aware of the conflicts.

Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 107
When the group base is large enough, political turmoil may bring a small group of respected
members high enough up in the political order to recommend that one of the potential
successors move to a new town or to a distant region with the mission of building a new
community. Such a solution is coherent with a philosophy of indulgence since all are
apparently free to become a guide to fellow members. In this sense, a fraternal-type
community is valued in which conflict, though acknowledged, is seen to be mostly a private
matter meant to stay not only out of public view but also to remain unknown to group
members not directly concerned with the conflict.
Since social harmony is greatly valued, the impact of a philosophy of indulgence is
sometimes quite paradoxical. Thus, in some groups socially deviant behavior, whether
expressed as conjugal violence, incest, or acts of fraud for example, may have a tendency
to be denied, even in the face of blatant evidence. Especially when the prestige of the
alleged perpetrator is high, some groups may have a tendency to minimize the problem in
order to maintain intact the group‘s cohesion and social harmony. In the face of strong
pressure from outside social control agents, the group may hold low level members publicly
responsible for a socially inappropriate action of a more powerful member so as not to
disturb the group‘s social organization and prestige in the outside community.
Discussion
The first part of this article has sketched out in general terms the specific types of
dangerous behavior associated with each of the four group philosophies. I now wish to
briefly summarize the relevant elements as they are applicable to each type of philosophy.
First off, I must specify that this paper associates dangerousness only with physical or
severe psychological harm, such as child maltreatment, severe neglect, sexual or physical
abuse, conjugal violence, self-harm in the form of self-mutilation or suicide, and criminal
acts, such as assault, battery, and homicide. By so defining dangerous behavior in a
restricted sense, I do not at all wish to minimize the personal suffering that can be
associated with more subtle types of abusive behavior. Nonetheless, I feel it is necessary to
focus on extreme forms of abuse in the hope of contributing to the development of a model
that has the capacity of distinguishing not so much between positive and negative cultic
experiences, but more precisely still between cultic experiences that hold a potential of
dangerousness from those that, however disappointing or negative one may feel they have
been, do not put one at risk of permanent harm, whether physical, or psychological.
The main types of danger that can be associated with philosophy of separation groups
concern children who, for varying reasons, are not able to live up to their families‘ and the
group‘s behavioral expectations. In such cases, child abuse can occur. Moreover, the social
isolation of children, the patriarchal nature of the political structure, and social pressure
toward conformity, may cause already victimized children to become at high risk of repeated
maltreatment. Additionally, the social isolation of individual families and lack of contacts
outside the community further puts children at risk of being victims of incest since such
abuse leaves no visible signs. Finally, the patriarchal social organization, social pressure
toward conformity, and the isolation of women within such closed communities can also
constitute an added risk factor for repetitious conjugal violence.
In philosophy of purity groups, children are at an even greater risk of being physically or
sexually abused or scapegoated, for they are seen as incarnating impurity. The risk of abuse
increases when the care of children is left to guardians who hold low social status within the
group. Moreover, because of their social isolation and low value to their own community,
victimized children are unable to escape repeated victimization.