Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 48
her doubts and negative thoughts, and the adult ―decided [that] she‘d slap me every time I
confessed a critical thought, and I agreed with her because I wanted to get rid of them‖
(Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 17 see 3). Moreover, after a new set of leaders
replaced her uncle in the teen detention program, Merry again claimed that she suffered
repeated sexual assaults by an adult (Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 83). Her
accounts of sexual assault resemble others that allegedly occurred in another physically
abusive teen detention program, called the Rotten Apple Camp, which operated in
Matsumoto, Japan (Auty, 1999).
Interspersed with the heavy workload and physical maltreatment were classes and
instructions in David Berg‘s writings. Called ―Word classes‖ and ―devotions,‖ they involved
reading or listening to Bible verses or excerpts from his publications, which leaders often
then applied to the teens (Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 3 see Kent Interview
with Lorna, 1996: 18 Kent Interview with Marleana, 1995: 11 [for Japan]). Leaders were
able to apply verses and writings to teens partly because teens had to compose daily ―Open
Heart Reports,‖ in which they expressed their ―confessions of doubts and criticisms.‖ These
reports included the teens‘ ―thoughts of disloyalty or ...criticism of leadership—especially
any kind of leaders ...who were in charge of us or especially Mo or Maria‖ (Kent Interview
with Merry Berg, 1992b: 4 see Kent Interview with Betty, 1996: 65 [for their use in
Mexico]). Indeed, high-ranking staff in the Filipino Jumbo realized that these Open Heart
Reports were ―‗a very good way for the leadership to stay intimately involved with the
different situations and personnel in the camp‘‖ (quoted in Ward, 1995: 154).
In summary, Merry Berg‘s account of Macao‘s Detention Teen program, which receives
corroboration from another former member, far exceeds the most restrictive social scientific
requirements of a brainwashing program. Incarceration and physical maltreatment
occurred in the context of social isolation, demanding physical labor, ideological training,
and forced confessions. While the Rotten Apples teen program in Japan may have rivaled
the Macao program for the brutality and sexual assaults that the teens appear to have
experienced (see Kent Interview with Ester, 1998: 16-30), all of the Victor programs about
which we have information resembled the Detention Teen program to lesser degrees.
The Victor Program in Macao
Operating on a different part of the Macao property was a Victor program for teens whom
leadership considered to be less troubled or troubling. Most often the two programs worked
separately, but occasionally inmates had contact (even at occasional dances). Often inmates
could see people working in the other program (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 9-11).
Allegedly these teens in the Victor program also suffered (what one former inmate called)
―pants down spanking[s]‖ in front of everyone (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 42 see
Kent Interview with Lorna, 1996: 24). Leaders used a paddle that one witness described as
―a big, thick, piece of wood‖ (Kent Interview with Lorna, 1996: 24) and another described
as ―a big, thick wood pole‖ that was ―about four feet long‖ (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995:
44 see Kent Interview with Stephanie, 1997: 4 for a description of the paddle in Japan]).
One young man who had received many of these beatings claimed that leaders videotaped
some of the public beatings (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 43). As in the Detention Teen
program, the inmates had classes on Bible scripture and Berg‘s writings (see Kent Interview
with Frost, 1995: 29), and leaders punished some teens by putting them on silence
restriction (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 40 see Kent Interview with Marleana, 1995:
15 [for Japan] Ward, 1995: 154-155).
The sexual ethic among teen inmates in Macao differed from that in other programs. When
Danny Frost [a pseudonym] arrived at the Macao Victor program in the spring of 1988,
Family leadership apparently was establishing the sexual policies for the young inmates (cf.
Lorna, 1996: 12 for an earlier date). The policies that they developed apparently included
her doubts and negative thoughts, and the adult ―decided [that] she‘d slap me every time I
confessed a critical thought, and I agreed with her because I wanted to get rid of them‖
(Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 17 see 3). Moreover, after a new set of leaders
replaced her uncle in the teen detention program, Merry again claimed that she suffered
repeated sexual assaults by an adult (Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 83). Her
accounts of sexual assault resemble others that allegedly occurred in another physically
abusive teen detention program, called the Rotten Apple Camp, which operated in
Matsumoto, Japan (Auty, 1999).
Interspersed with the heavy workload and physical maltreatment were classes and
instructions in David Berg‘s writings. Called ―Word classes‖ and ―devotions,‖ they involved
reading or listening to Bible verses or excerpts from his publications, which leaders often
then applied to the teens (Kent Interview with Merry Berg, 1992b: 3 see Kent Interview
with Lorna, 1996: 18 Kent Interview with Marleana, 1995: 11 [for Japan]). Leaders were
able to apply verses and writings to teens partly because teens had to compose daily ―Open
Heart Reports,‖ in which they expressed their ―confessions of doubts and criticisms.‖ These
reports included the teens‘ ―thoughts of disloyalty or ...criticism of leadership—especially
any kind of leaders ...who were in charge of us or especially Mo or Maria‖ (Kent Interview
with Merry Berg, 1992b: 4 see Kent Interview with Betty, 1996: 65 [for their use in
Mexico]). Indeed, high-ranking staff in the Filipino Jumbo realized that these Open Heart
Reports were ―‗a very good way for the leadership to stay intimately involved with the
different situations and personnel in the camp‘‖ (quoted in Ward, 1995: 154).
In summary, Merry Berg‘s account of Macao‘s Detention Teen program, which receives
corroboration from another former member, far exceeds the most restrictive social scientific
requirements of a brainwashing program. Incarceration and physical maltreatment
occurred in the context of social isolation, demanding physical labor, ideological training,
and forced confessions. While the Rotten Apples teen program in Japan may have rivaled
the Macao program for the brutality and sexual assaults that the teens appear to have
experienced (see Kent Interview with Ester, 1998: 16-30), all of the Victor programs about
which we have information resembled the Detention Teen program to lesser degrees.
The Victor Program in Macao
Operating on a different part of the Macao property was a Victor program for teens whom
leadership considered to be less troubled or troubling. Most often the two programs worked
separately, but occasionally inmates had contact (even at occasional dances). Often inmates
could see people working in the other program (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 9-11).
Allegedly these teens in the Victor program also suffered (what one former inmate called)
―pants down spanking[s]‖ in front of everyone (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 42 see
Kent Interview with Lorna, 1996: 24). Leaders used a paddle that one witness described as
―a big, thick, piece of wood‖ (Kent Interview with Lorna, 1996: 24) and another described
as ―a big, thick wood pole‖ that was ―about four feet long‖ (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995:
44 see Kent Interview with Stephanie, 1997: 4 for a description of the paddle in Japan]).
One young man who had received many of these beatings claimed that leaders videotaped
some of the public beatings (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 43). As in the Detention Teen
program, the inmates had classes on Bible scripture and Berg‘s writings (see Kent Interview
with Frost, 1995: 29), and leaders punished some teens by putting them on silence
restriction (Kent Interview with Frost, 1995: 40 see Kent Interview with Marleana, 1995:
15 [for Japan] Ward, 1995: 154-155).
The sexual ethic among teen inmates in Macao differed from that in other programs. When
Danny Frost [a pseudonym] arrived at the Macao Victor program in the spring of 1988,
Family leadership apparently was establishing the sexual policies for the young inmates (cf.
Lorna, 1996: 12 for an earlier date). The policies that they developed apparently included
















































































































































