Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 15
Prophets of the Apocalypse:
White Supremacy and the Theology of Christian Identity
Dennis Tourish
Department of Management
University of Aberdeen
Tim Wohlforth
Oakland, California
Abstract
Many white supremacist organizations in the United States (such as Posse
Comitatus, Aryan Nations and innumerable militia groups) draw their
inspiration from a theology known as Christian Identity, which argues that
the white race of North America is descended from the lost tribes of Israel
and is hence the Chosen People spoken of in the Bible. This philosophy also
posits that Jews are the direct descendants of the Devil and that blacks are
the product of interbreeding between people and animals. This paper
discusses the main theoretical principles of Christian Identity and how its
absolutist belief system encourages high activity forms of organization, in-
group favoritism, and the demonization of all out-groups. The paper argues
that the underlying ideology of Christian Identity and its organizational
manifestations are inherently cultic. In this context, fundamental principles of
social psychological theory concerned with attribution, stereotyping,
prejudice formation, and uncertainty reduction are applied to the Identity
milieu to explain its apparent hold on significant numbers of people.
The influence of far right groupings has grown during the past two decades. Significant
numbers of people are now attracted to organizations (e.g. Aryan Nations, Posse
Commitatus) that might properly be regarded as cultic. The theology of the Christian
Identity movement in particular is implicated in the growth of right wing militias and Neo-
Nazi organizations.
Although considerable academic material has been published on the far right, previous
researchers have failed to explicitly address Identity theology and the organizational forms
to which it gives rise from a cultic perspective. Moreover, few have applied research from
social psychology to explain far-right phenomena. Some writers have emphasized
personality issues (e.g., Adorno et al, 1950) in which support for the right is seen as
inherently irrational and hence susceptible only to personality based interpretations (see
Wilcox, 1992, for an extended discussion of problems with this viewpoint). Others have
stressed the sociological issues involved (e.g., Bruce, 1995). Our contribution is to apply
theoretical principles drawn from social psychology and the analysis of cults in a way that
has not previously been attempted.
We have studied the Web sites of many far right organizations and of various bodies who
monitor their activities, to gauge the nature of Identity theology and the extent of its
organizational influence. We make frequent reference to these sources in the pages that
follow.
We argue that the basic tenets of this theology are so sharply focused on the creation of in-
groups and out-groups that it inherently facilitates high activity forms of organization,
conformity, and cultic dynamics. In particular, its emphasis on imminent catastrophe (the

Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 16
Armageddon paradigm) creates a psychologically receptive context for the apocalyptic
fantasies characteristic of many cult organizations in a wide variety of ideological fields.
Flowing from this, we explore the psychological dynamics that allow such apocalyptic
fantasies to gain a serious hold on the imagination of Identity followers. Key ideas looked at
include expectancy effects, uncertainty reduction theory, and the dynamics of stereotyping.
We also consider the possibility that those attracted to organizations heavily influenced by
Identity theology may be able to exert an influence beyond their current small size.
Definitional Issues and the Relevance of Cultic Perspectives
Defining cults has proven problematic for researchers active in the study of this area. Many
descriptive terms commonly employed provoke intense debate (e.g., ―thought-reform,‖
―brain-washing,‖ and ―exit counseling‖), while organizations that are sometimes viewed as
cults (e.g., Amway, the Moonies, Re-evaluation Counseling) vary enormously in their actual
practice (see Langone, 1993, for extended discussion of cultic definitional issues). For
example, the use of criticism/self-criticism sessions has been reported as a key means of
enforcing conformity and submission in political cults (e.g., Lalich, 1992). During such
sessions, cult members assemble to denounce the alleged misdemeanours of their fellows.
Eventually, the members targeted for such attention are compelled to join in the process
themselves, often internalizing its harshest verdicts. Such practices, however, are by no
means universal, and other high activity, undemocratic, and intensely ideologically
committed groups (such as the Committee for a Workers International) have been identified
in which they are absent (Tourish, 1998). Nevertheless, many such groups exhibit sufficient
dysfunctional behaviors to merit inclusion in the pantheon of organizations defined as cultic.
The pursuit of absolute categories may obscure rather than illuminate the study of cultic
organizations. Outside of courtrooms, not every question can be given a straight yes or no
answer yes, this organization is a cult, or no it isn‘t. Organizations can combine elements
of cultic practice with seemingly sensible approaches to everyday life. This means that some
groups that begin with a rational purpose (e.g., to influence the political process) can
regress in a dysfunctional and cultic direction.
Accordingly, cults may best be viewed daily as falling on a continuum. At one end stand
healthy well functioning groups, in which dissent is respected, people participate in decision
making, and members at all times retain a foot in the real world. At the other end we find
totalitarian enclaves in which conformity is prized above all else and people are frequently
manipulated against their will for the greater good of the cult leader. People and
organizations can move back and forth on this continuum depending on events.
Organizations are not necessarily either cults or not cults. They can be both at different
times and in different places.
This approach is particularly useful in reaching an understanding of the extreme political
right. Definitional problems with the term ―extreme right‖ abound (Cox, 1998). The term
has been at various times applied to the populist demagogue Father Coughlan in the 1930s,
Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s, and Barry Goldwater in the 1960s (Hopkins, 1992). In
addition, the right, for the most part, has a more amorphous and fluctuating structure than
the rigid formations found on the Marxist-Leninist extreme left (Tourish &Wohlforth, 2000).
This may be one important reason why so few have attempted to apply a cultic analysis to
the milieu of the right. In this discussion, however, we limit our application of the term to
those influenced by Christian Identity theology, those whose beliefs find organizational
expression in the militia movement, and such semi-fascistic organizations as Posse
Comitatus and Aryan Nations.
We believe that our understanding of the extreme right, as so defined, can be deepened by
the application of a cultic analysis. Most researchers in the field agree that it is what