Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 109
important than recognizing the reality of individual victimization and the emotional and
physical price victimized members are requested to pay in order to maintain an image of the
group‘s high moral standards.
This may also hold true for many groups that adhere to a philosophy of separation.
However, since a philosophy of separation shares with philosophies of purity and survival
the common trait of categorizing members as better than other citizens, this moralistic
stance may make some philosophy of separation groups consider unlawful behavior as
morally justified according to group norms. For instance, some philosophy of separation
groups will advocate severe forms of physical punishment towards children, believing their
ethical principles are of superior worth than society‘s laws against child abuse.
Finally, it must be stated that in it‘s purest form, the groups that share a philosophy of
survival appear by far to represent the most likely and severest risk of dangerto members
and non-members, children, women, and men. Fortunately, relatively few groups seem to
fully correspond to such a pure form. Jim Jones‘ People's Temple appears to have been
under the influence of such a philosophy, especially during the last years of the movement.
In ending, I wish to emphasize that what I have just proposed represents a theoretical
model. It is most likely that in reality few groups will correspond to the pure forms
described. In all probability different levels and kinds of mixes of these philosophies will be
found, and further nuances will need to be developed as research continues. Also, one must
remember that even it were shown that this model is correct in identifying risks of abuse or
excess, groups could adhere to one or another of these philosophies without ever
succumbing to dangerous behavior. Consequently, any attempt at applying this model to
reality must be made with circumspection. Eventually, the application of this model in the
form of complete case studies will permit researchers to test its validity as a working model
to evaluate the type and severity of risks that some groups may represent. However,
applying with premature confidence this or any other model could do harm. Whatever the
application, it must be remembered that only a neutral and unbiased use of such a model
can be ethically justified.
References
Troelsch, E. (1931). The social teaching of the Christian Church, vol.1. New York: MacMillan.
Weber. S. (1927). General economic history. Glencoe: The Free Press.
Webster‘s (1989). Encyclopedic unabridged dictionary of the English language. New Jersey:
Gramercy books, Random House.
Yinger, J.M. (1946). Religion in the struggle of power. Durham: Duke University Press.
**********
Dianne Casoni, Ph.D., Professor, School of Criminology, University of Montreal, is a
Candidate of the Canadian Institute of Psychoanalysis. A psychologist and expert witness,
she is the author of over 40 articles and book chapters on psychology and the law, sexual
abuse of children, treatment of victims, wife assault, and the psychodynamic understanding
of cults. (casonid@crim.umontreal.ca)
This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 2000, Volume 17,
pages 143-167. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound
volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Volume 17, 2000, Page 110
The Falun Gong: Beyond the Headlines
Patsy Rahn
Los Angeles, California
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to look beyond the headlines of the past year
and to give an objective analysis of the Falun Gong. I will provide an
evaluation of the Western press coverage of the Falun Gong, an evaluation of
the potentially problematic areas of the Falun Gong as a teaching and an
organization, and an evaluation of the Chinese government‘s concerns. In
my conclusion, I suggest that there needs to be more independent
verification of information coming out of China and a broader coverage of the
topic. Regarding the Falun Gong I suggest that research needs to be done
on the group here in the United States, and if possible, independent research
done in China. I also suggest that there are a number of elements in the
Falun Gong as a teaching and an organization that we should be aware of
because they are potentially problematic. Regarding the Chinese
government‘s response, I suggest that it is important to go beyond the
simplistic terminology that ―Falun Gong is an evil cult‖ or that ―the Chinese
Government is an evil empire.‖
Falun Gong has been closely associated in the press with the issue of human rights in China.
While the topic of human rights is very important, it is not the focus of this paper. I would
like to emphasize, however, that my research and critical evaluation of the Falun Gong in no
way implies that I support human rights violations, which need to be addressed whenever
and wherever they occur. The goal of this paper is to increase understanding of the group
itself and of some of the issues surrounding it. I will first review the media information
concerning Falun Gong. Then I will examine problematical aspects of the group and, lastly,
the concerns of the Chinese government.
Media Information
Media information on the Falun Gong has generally come from four sources: the Chinese
government, the Western press in China, the Falun Gong itself, and the Information Center
on Human Rights and Democratic Movement in China.
The Chinese Government
Since the Chinese government banned the group in July of 1999, the government has put
on a major publicity campaign to discredit the group and to justify its actions Most people
in the West see the campaign as unnecessarily exaggerated and harsh, similar to political
campaigns waged during the Mao era or even the earlier imperial age. Information on the
Falun Gong from the Chinese government is therefore seen as propaganda and generally
dismissed in the West. It is rarely reported on in the Western media. Verification by
outside sources of the Chinese research on the Falun Gong is difficult if not impossible. In
addition, the role of the media in China is closely linked to the propagation of government
policy, and although there has been some broadening of independent reporting by the
Chinese press, in areas as politically sensitive as this, the press must not contradict the
party line.