International Journal of Cultic Studies ■ Vol. 3, 2012 67
supposedly casting out demons that had taken
over people (Overland, 1988a, p. A6). In 1983,
a new “movement of God” that Barnett
introduced was spiritual dancing, which initially
involved people dancing by themselves to music
played in the church, but evolved into dancing
and other physical contacts (“spiritual
connections”) usually with members of the
opposite sex who were not one’s spouses
(Overland, 1988a, p. A6). These physical
contacts took place as people stared into the eyes
of their spiritual connections in order to
reputedly experience Jesus. These activities led
(in many cases) to sexual encounters that
strained, and broke up, marriages, with as many
as 80 couples getting divorced (Overland,
1988a 1988b). Parents spent increasingly long
amounts of time with their spiritual connections
at the expense of their spouses and kids, and
many of the children showed signs of stress
(Overland, 1988c, p. A1).
The children were stressed not only because they
saw what was going on with their parents, but
also because some of them were getting drawn
into the “spiritual connections” activities.
Children spent endless, unsupervised hours at
the church as their parents danced, stared at, and
caressed their reputedly spiritual partners. One
former member recalled, “…until closing time
was enforced..., it was not uncommon to see
children at the church until 4 or 5 a.m., curled up
asleep in a pew or playing outside in the dark on
the back lawn” (Rothschild, 1988, p. A4). If,
however, the children stayed for the services,
adults pressured them to join in the dancing (p.
A4). Even at the Community Chapel school in
1985, the teachers encouraged the children to
dance with one another and with them. As one
of the former teachers reported, “…[i]n daily
dance sessions during school hours, ‘the children
were told to mimic their parents, to find
someone they were attracted to and to dance
with each other. Even down into the
kindergarten, these little children were said to
have connections’” (in Rothschild, 1988, p. A4).
Some adults became attracted to the children,
and some “spiritual connections” grew between
them (including with teachers and married
partners). Other “connections” formed between
child-partners themselves (Overland, 1988c, p.
A4 Rothschild, 1988, p. A4). Apparently,
information about these activities involving
children reached Child Protective Services, since
at least one of its staff met with Community
Chapel officials in 1986 “to discuss the
connection philosophy and spell out guidelines
for reporting child abuse.” Law enforcement
authorities who also attended the meeting “made
it clear [that] it was unacceptable for adults to
French kiss children, a practice that had been
condoned” by the church (p. A4). Before
Barnett’s influence waned, however, two church
members were convicted of child abuse and
three Community Chapel officials were
convicted for failing to report suspected child
abuse to authorities (Simon, 1988, p. A22).
Levelling All Forms of Sex As Equally
Fallen
In this scenario, leaders or followers or both
value asceticism, and scorn or condemn all
forms of sex as evil, fallen, or signs of spiritual
weakness. Sex in whatever form is a perversion
of purity, so sex with children is no worse than
sex with a consenting adult or marriage partner.
All forms of it involve one giving into one’s
supposedly base desires with no concessions
about or understanding of normal human
development. An extreme example of a group
holding such destructive views of human
sexuality would be the Russian Skoptsy, whose
name meant “the castrated ones” or “self-
castrators’ (Engelstein, 1999, p. 2). This group
appeared in the closing decades of the 1700s and
survived until its destruction during Stalin’s
reign of terror. Although the Skoptsy practiced
literal bodily removals of sexual areas, the
denial and condemnation of the erotic parts of
the body took a psychological form in the beliefs
of the Krishna splinter group leader, Keith
Ham/Swami Bhakitpada (1937–2011).
Kirtanananda Swami Bhaktipada
In contrast to the Children of God’s veneration
of sex, the Hare Krishnas saw sex only as a
means for procreation, which in turn would
bring children into Krishna consciousness (see
Daner, 1976, p. 61). Devotees had to be married
to other devotees before they were allowed to
have sex, and then they were restricted to once a
month on days best suited for conception. Prior
supposedly casting out demons that had taken
over people (Overland, 1988a, p. A6). In 1983,
a new “movement of God” that Barnett
introduced was spiritual dancing, which initially
involved people dancing by themselves to music
played in the church, but evolved into dancing
and other physical contacts (“spiritual
connections”) usually with members of the
opposite sex who were not one’s spouses
(Overland, 1988a, p. A6). These physical
contacts took place as people stared into the eyes
of their spiritual connections in order to
reputedly experience Jesus. These activities led
(in many cases) to sexual encounters that
strained, and broke up, marriages, with as many
as 80 couples getting divorced (Overland,
1988a 1988b). Parents spent increasingly long
amounts of time with their spiritual connections
at the expense of their spouses and kids, and
many of the children showed signs of stress
(Overland, 1988c, p. A1).
The children were stressed not only because they
saw what was going on with their parents, but
also because some of them were getting drawn
into the “spiritual connections” activities.
Children spent endless, unsupervised hours at
the church as their parents danced, stared at, and
caressed their reputedly spiritual partners. One
former member recalled, “…until closing time
was enforced..., it was not uncommon to see
children at the church until 4 or 5 a.m., curled up
asleep in a pew or playing outside in the dark on
the back lawn” (Rothschild, 1988, p. A4). If,
however, the children stayed for the services,
adults pressured them to join in the dancing (p.
A4). Even at the Community Chapel school in
1985, the teachers encouraged the children to
dance with one another and with them. As one
of the former teachers reported, “…[i]n daily
dance sessions during school hours, ‘the children
were told to mimic their parents, to find
someone they were attracted to and to dance
with each other. Even down into the
kindergarten, these little children were said to
have connections’” (in Rothschild, 1988, p. A4).
Some adults became attracted to the children,
and some “spiritual connections” grew between
them (including with teachers and married
partners). Other “connections” formed between
child-partners themselves (Overland, 1988c, p.
A4 Rothschild, 1988, p. A4). Apparently,
information about these activities involving
children reached Child Protective Services, since
at least one of its staff met with Community
Chapel officials in 1986 “to discuss the
connection philosophy and spell out guidelines
for reporting child abuse.” Law enforcement
authorities who also attended the meeting “made
it clear [that] it was unacceptable for adults to
French kiss children, a practice that had been
condoned” by the church (p. A4). Before
Barnett’s influence waned, however, two church
members were convicted of child abuse and
three Community Chapel officials were
convicted for failing to report suspected child
abuse to authorities (Simon, 1988, p. A22).
Levelling All Forms of Sex As Equally
Fallen
In this scenario, leaders or followers or both
value asceticism, and scorn or condemn all
forms of sex as evil, fallen, or signs of spiritual
weakness. Sex in whatever form is a perversion
of purity, so sex with children is no worse than
sex with a consenting adult or marriage partner.
All forms of it involve one giving into one’s
supposedly base desires with no concessions
about or understanding of normal human
development. An extreme example of a group
holding such destructive views of human
sexuality would be the Russian Skoptsy, whose
name meant “the castrated ones” or “self-
castrators’ (Engelstein, 1999, p. 2). This group
appeared in the closing decades of the 1700s and
survived until its destruction during Stalin’s
reign of terror. Although the Skoptsy practiced
literal bodily removals of sexual areas, the
denial and condemnation of the erotic parts of
the body took a psychological form in the beliefs
of the Krishna splinter group leader, Keith
Ham/Swami Bhakitpada (1937–2011).
Kirtanananda Swami Bhaktipada
In contrast to the Children of God’s veneration
of sex, the Hare Krishnas saw sex only as a
means for procreation, which in turn would
bring children into Krishna consciousness (see
Daner, 1976, p. 61). Devotees had to be married
to other devotees before they were allowed to
have sex, and then they were restricted to once a
month on days best suited for conception. Prior
