International Journal of Cultic Studies ■ Vol. 3, 2012 33
authority (United States of America, allies,
white people, infidels, etc.).
Mirroring transference (Kohut, 1971) also
occurs. Having grown up without validating
and loving responses from parent figures,
the potential suicide bombers, much more so
than an average person with a healthy self-
esteem, long for appreciation and to be
treated as special. They go a long way to
achieve those results, being willing to
perform the act of suicide bombing for the
leader’s validation and love. There are
many unconfirmed reports in the media
about how they are indulged and treated
specially before the mission.
By committing a suicide bombing, one
displaces the murderous rage of childhood
years onto a symbol of authority to achieve
gratification. In this case, one also perceives
that the act is for a great cause. One feels
glorified with the image of being a martyr.
Here, the murderous rage of the id (Freud,
1953–1974) joins hands with the superego
(ego ideal—martyrdom). In the presence of
an ego too weak to intervene in this
situation, the individual carries out the
deadly act. Usually, the id and the superego
are in opposition, but in psychoanalysis it is
a recognized phenomenon that they
occasionally join hands, which can result in
the sort of the outcome suggested here.
Psychodynamic Purposes Served by
Suicide Bombing
Suicide bombing serves the following
psychodynamic purposes:
The murderous rage that has been increasing
since childhood years is gratified.
The ego ideal of martyrdom is achieved.
The significant guilt associated with sexual
issues ranging from having strong sexual
fantasies, to having committed pedophilia or
situational homosexuality is soothed. The
guilt of feeling dirty and guilty for having
been sexually abused might be a factor in
some cases, as well. There is also guilt
about the rage such individuals live with,
and the possible guilt of resentment toward
one’s parents, which is strongly discouraged
in Islam under any circumstances. Because
of their black and white thinking, these
individuals see the effect of suicide
martyrdom as washing away all their sins,
like a reset button. Therefore, carrying out a
suicide bombing soothes all their guilt.
Potential suicide bombers’ ongoing low self-
esteem immediately converts into pride in
themselves when they commit to the action.
They infrequently have had an opportunity
in their lives to do what their hearts desire.
Nor can they otherwise think of ways to
become symbolically immortal by having
children or doing something that will be
remembered. All this adds up to their
experiencing life as quite meaningless. By
carrying out a suicide bombing, their
meaningless lives end in a way they feel is
meaningful.
They have issues with mortality and find
difficulty reconciling with it. Becoming a
suicide bomber settles this issue by helping
them achieve absolute immortality.
Conclusion
This theory is based on my putting together
indirect evidence and making certain
assumptions, which I have then applied
generally to all Pakistani Muslim suicide
bombers. Even though it is likely that each
individual has a life story of his own, it is also
possible that there are at least some similarities
among suicide bombers as a group in terms of
their psychodynamic processes.
A question also exists about the 9/11 suicide
attackers because their profile did not match that
of a typical Muslim extremist. However, there
can be individuals who experienced harsh and
violent treatment in childhood—not only in
religious schools but even in regular
households—who can identify with the violent
aspect of Islam as a quick way to justify and act
on their murderous rage. They also can have
issues with mortality and guilt of worldly sins
that could be washed away quickly through their
participation in the 9/11 suicide attacks.
authority (United States of America, allies,
white people, infidels, etc.).
Mirroring transference (Kohut, 1971) also
occurs. Having grown up without validating
and loving responses from parent figures,
the potential suicide bombers, much more so
than an average person with a healthy self-
esteem, long for appreciation and to be
treated as special. They go a long way to
achieve those results, being willing to
perform the act of suicide bombing for the
leader’s validation and love. There are
many unconfirmed reports in the media
about how they are indulged and treated
specially before the mission.
By committing a suicide bombing, one
displaces the murderous rage of childhood
years onto a symbol of authority to achieve
gratification. In this case, one also perceives
that the act is for a great cause. One feels
glorified with the image of being a martyr.
Here, the murderous rage of the id (Freud,
1953–1974) joins hands with the superego
(ego ideal—martyrdom). In the presence of
an ego too weak to intervene in this
situation, the individual carries out the
deadly act. Usually, the id and the superego
are in opposition, but in psychoanalysis it is
a recognized phenomenon that they
occasionally join hands, which can result in
the sort of the outcome suggested here.
Psychodynamic Purposes Served by
Suicide Bombing
Suicide bombing serves the following
psychodynamic purposes:
The murderous rage that has been increasing
since childhood years is gratified.
The ego ideal of martyrdom is achieved.
The significant guilt associated with sexual
issues ranging from having strong sexual
fantasies, to having committed pedophilia or
situational homosexuality is soothed. The
guilt of feeling dirty and guilty for having
been sexually abused might be a factor in
some cases, as well. There is also guilt
about the rage such individuals live with,
and the possible guilt of resentment toward
one’s parents, which is strongly discouraged
in Islam under any circumstances. Because
of their black and white thinking, these
individuals see the effect of suicide
martyrdom as washing away all their sins,
like a reset button. Therefore, carrying out a
suicide bombing soothes all their guilt.
Potential suicide bombers’ ongoing low self-
esteem immediately converts into pride in
themselves when they commit to the action.
They infrequently have had an opportunity
in their lives to do what their hearts desire.
Nor can they otherwise think of ways to
become symbolically immortal by having
children or doing something that will be
remembered. All this adds up to their
experiencing life as quite meaningless. By
carrying out a suicide bombing, their
meaningless lives end in a way they feel is
meaningful.
They have issues with mortality and find
difficulty reconciling with it. Becoming a
suicide bomber settles this issue by helping
them achieve absolute immortality.
Conclusion
This theory is based on my putting together
indirect evidence and making certain
assumptions, which I have then applied
generally to all Pakistani Muslim suicide
bombers. Even though it is likely that each
individual has a life story of his own, it is also
possible that there are at least some similarities
among suicide bombers as a group in terms of
their psychodynamic processes.
A question also exists about the 9/11 suicide
attackers because their profile did not match that
of a typical Muslim extremist. However, there
can be individuals who experienced harsh and
violent treatment in childhood—not only in
religious schools but even in regular
households—who can identify with the violent
aspect of Islam as a quick way to justify and act
on their murderous rage. They also can have
issues with mortality and guilt of worldly sins
that could be washed away quickly through their
participation in the 9/11 suicide attacks.
