2 International Journal of Cultic Studies ■ Vol. 8, 2017
adjustment, some researchers have suggested
that giving up a strong investment in a
community may also be a significant source of
distress (Lewis, 1987). Based on a review of
clinical reports and the empirical research in this
area, Aronoff, Lynn, and Malinoski (2000)
concluded that cult membership is linked to
adjustment difficulties, although they
acknowledged that it was not clear whether
difficulties could be attributed to the cult itself
or were a product of leaving it.
In contrast, others have highlighted some of the
potentially positive consequences of what they
generally call NRMs (Anthony &Robbins,
2004). Richardson (1995) argues, on the basis of
a review of the research, that there is no
evidence to suggest that members of these
groups have more mental health problems than
others, and that there are likely to be
psychological benefits that continue even after a
member leaves. This finding has been echoed in
some more recent research (Namini &Murken,
2009). Specific benefits identified as arising
from involvement in NRMs include the
provision of structure (Buxant, Saroglou,
Casalfiore &Christians, 2007) and group
cohesion (Galanter, 1989), as well as some of
the general advantages that have been attributed
to conventional religious beliefs (Van Dyke &
Elias, 2007).
Much of the research in this area has been
concerned about evaluating the mental health
status of former cult/NRM members, but there is
less research on how former members
themselves experience leaving a community and
rejoining the outside world. There are, however,
descriptions in the clinical literature which
suggest that former members face some
significant challenges after leaving a
community. These challenges may include
practical adjustments related to daily living and
also a range of emotional and social demands
(Singer &Lalich, 1995). The latter include pain
at the loss of the community (Ward, 2002)
difficulty in establishing autonomy (Martin,
1993) loneliness and a sense of alienation
(Singer &Lalich, 1995) confusion over what
went right or wrong at the community (Martin,
1993) and a reevaluation of the philosophical
ideas held by the group (Singer &Lalich, 1995).
The research reviewed above focuses largely on
adults, and there is less research available on the
adjustment of children after experiences in these
cults/NRMs. Children require separate and
specific consideration because they will not
normally have entered the community of their
own volition and may have limited experience of
the world outside of it. While again, there is
little empirical research in this area, clinically
focused reviews have discussed the experiences
of children in cults (Langone &Eisenberg,
1994 Whitsett &Kent, 2003). This literature
draws attention to the way that communities
with cultic features may undermine the
functioning of families and open the possibility
for children to be exposed to various forms of
abuse, including physical, psychological, and
sexual abuse. Siskand (2001) argues that
children may be particularly vulnerable to harm
because adults cede their parental authority to
the community’s leaders, members are relatively
isolated from external supports, and the shared
belief system can put the practices of adult
members above the law.
There appear to be fewer positive accounts of
children’s experiences in community living as
opposed to adults’, although Sargisson and
Sargent (1994) suggest that there are some
benefits for those who grow up in what they call
intentional communities. They attribute benefits
to factors such as the availability of adult
attention, consultative parenting, and having
other children to play with. Prosocial
psychological effects noted for children growing
up in Kibbutzim also seem to support claims for
the value of collective living for children
(Aviezer, Van IJzendoorn, Sagi, &Schuengel,
1994). But while this body of literature offers
some insights into experiences children can have
in communities, it is acknowledged that there is
very little research available on which to base
conclusions about the long-term effects of these
kinds of experience (Langone &Eisenberg,
1993 Whitsett &Kent, 2003).
It is also possible that cults/NRMs offer the
potential for both good and bad experiences and
with this, both good and bad outcomes for
members. Wright (1984), for example, notes that
people who leave NRMs are often ambivalent
about their experience and are able to identify
adjustment, some researchers have suggested
that giving up a strong investment in a
community may also be a significant source of
distress (Lewis, 1987). Based on a review of
clinical reports and the empirical research in this
area, Aronoff, Lynn, and Malinoski (2000)
concluded that cult membership is linked to
adjustment difficulties, although they
acknowledged that it was not clear whether
difficulties could be attributed to the cult itself
or were a product of leaving it.
In contrast, others have highlighted some of the
potentially positive consequences of what they
generally call NRMs (Anthony &Robbins,
2004). Richardson (1995) argues, on the basis of
a review of the research, that there is no
evidence to suggest that members of these
groups have more mental health problems than
others, and that there are likely to be
psychological benefits that continue even after a
member leaves. This finding has been echoed in
some more recent research (Namini &Murken,
2009). Specific benefits identified as arising
from involvement in NRMs include the
provision of structure (Buxant, Saroglou,
Casalfiore &Christians, 2007) and group
cohesion (Galanter, 1989), as well as some of
the general advantages that have been attributed
to conventional religious beliefs (Van Dyke &
Elias, 2007).
Much of the research in this area has been
concerned about evaluating the mental health
status of former cult/NRM members, but there is
less research on how former members
themselves experience leaving a community and
rejoining the outside world. There are, however,
descriptions in the clinical literature which
suggest that former members face some
significant challenges after leaving a
community. These challenges may include
practical adjustments related to daily living and
also a range of emotional and social demands
(Singer &Lalich, 1995). The latter include pain
at the loss of the community (Ward, 2002)
difficulty in establishing autonomy (Martin,
1993) loneliness and a sense of alienation
(Singer &Lalich, 1995) confusion over what
went right or wrong at the community (Martin,
1993) and a reevaluation of the philosophical
ideas held by the group (Singer &Lalich, 1995).
The research reviewed above focuses largely on
adults, and there is less research available on the
adjustment of children after experiences in these
cults/NRMs. Children require separate and
specific consideration because they will not
normally have entered the community of their
own volition and may have limited experience of
the world outside of it. While again, there is
little empirical research in this area, clinically
focused reviews have discussed the experiences
of children in cults (Langone &Eisenberg,
1994 Whitsett &Kent, 2003). This literature
draws attention to the way that communities
with cultic features may undermine the
functioning of families and open the possibility
for children to be exposed to various forms of
abuse, including physical, psychological, and
sexual abuse. Siskand (2001) argues that
children may be particularly vulnerable to harm
because adults cede their parental authority to
the community’s leaders, members are relatively
isolated from external supports, and the shared
belief system can put the practices of adult
members above the law.
There appear to be fewer positive accounts of
children’s experiences in community living as
opposed to adults’, although Sargisson and
Sargent (1994) suggest that there are some
benefits for those who grow up in what they call
intentional communities. They attribute benefits
to factors such as the availability of adult
attention, consultative parenting, and having
other children to play with. Prosocial
psychological effects noted for children growing
up in Kibbutzim also seem to support claims for
the value of collective living for children
(Aviezer, Van IJzendoorn, Sagi, &Schuengel,
1994). But while this body of literature offers
some insights into experiences children can have
in communities, it is acknowledged that there is
very little research available on which to base
conclusions about the long-term effects of these
kinds of experience (Langone &Eisenberg,
1993 Whitsett &Kent, 2003).
It is also possible that cults/NRMs offer the
potential for both good and bad experiences and
with this, both good and bad outcomes for
members. Wright (1984), for example, notes that
people who leave NRMs are often ambivalent
about their experience and are able to identify
