Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1991, Page 29
According to Halperin, in discussing the meal served to potential recruits, “groups that place
a great emphasis on denigrating individuality must inevitably create a food which denies
individual taste” (1983, p. 227). The assumption of a common “uniform,” as with the Hare
Krishnas today, or the pooling of all clothing so that no individual is associated with a
particular item that will make him or her stand out among the others, is another aspect of
deindividualization.
Another approach, one that may be traced back to some of the early followers of Jesus and
other religious figures, is less threatening. It is, in fact, an appeal to the very human desire
to be happy. Snow and Machalek (1982) describe the appeal:
Two couples standing outside of a Los Angeles restaurant are asked by a
neatly dressed Caucasian female if they have ever heard of “Nam-Myoho-
Renge-Kya.” They look at her as if to say, “What are you talking about?”
Noting their confusion, the proselytizer asks if they want to be happy and
fulfill their dreams. They respond that they are quite content. The proselytizer
emphasizes that they could get whatever they want --mentally, physically, or
spiritually --if only they chanted. She then indicates how chanting has
provided her with greater meaning and purpose, enabled her to get better
grades in school, and improved her relationship with her parents. Their
response was still one of disinterest, so the proselytizer moves on in search of
other prospects. (1982, p. 15)
Perhaps the unique feature of this description is the readiness with which the proselytizer
appeared to move on. As in any other field that utilizes essentially sales techniques, some
practitioners are more persistent than others. Whether an itinerant salesman, a Hare
Krishna devotee seeking donations, or one of today‟s street beggars, some will move on
after one rebuff while others hang on hoping to change the target‟s mind through use of a
new argument or simple repetition.
We must consider as well the nature of the target. In times of stress and uncertainty, more
people are amenable to persuasion by someone who appears to have “the answers,” even if
this means accepting an undue measure of control. On a national scale, we‟ve seen this
happen time and time again from the period of the Exodus to modern-day Iran. On the
individual level, vulnerability to techniques of persuasion and control is particularly noted at
several points in development --late adolescence, early adulthood, and today in very late
adulthood. These are the times in a person‟s life cycle of major change and numerous
options. For those individuals who have not yet determined direction and who may not have
experience in decision-making in an amorphous situation, the invitation to a solution that
promises happiness and fulfillment is tempting indeed. Drawn in by the very effective
persuasive techniques of the recruiters and the “already committed” and increasingly
controlled by the practitioners of the organization, they, too, throw themselves into their
new group in a “thorough and totalistic manner” with all the zeal of the Crusaders of old.
Part of the attraction of cults (and other totalistic groups) may be their exclusivity: “Only we
will be saved!” or “We have the solutions to the world‟s problems!” Another attraction, at
least for social isolates, is the social network that is gained at once upon acceptance yet,
for the cult, it is also a means of controlling the new recruit‟s behavior. However,
acceptance by the group is dependent on total commitment to the group‟s ideas and on the
demonstration of such commitment by seeking to “reform,” that is, proselytize, others. The
refinement of the persuasive techniques, used without the physical terror imposed by an
Inquisitor, a Stalin, a Hitler, or an Imam, is such that it would be envied by a Mary Kay
distributor or a Madison Avenue advertising executive.
According to Halperin, in discussing the meal served to potential recruits, “groups that place
a great emphasis on denigrating individuality must inevitably create a food which denies
individual taste” (1983, p. 227). The assumption of a common “uniform,” as with the Hare
Krishnas today, or the pooling of all clothing so that no individual is associated with a
particular item that will make him or her stand out among the others, is another aspect of
deindividualization.
Another approach, one that may be traced back to some of the early followers of Jesus and
other religious figures, is less threatening. It is, in fact, an appeal to the very human desire
to be happy. Snow and Machalek (1982) describe the appeal:
Two couples standing outside of a Los Angeles restaurant are asked by a
neatly dressed Caucasian female if they have ever heard of “Nam-Myoho-
Renge-Kya.” They look at her as if to say, “What are you talking about?”
Noting their confusion, the proselytizer asks if they want to be happy and
fulfill their dreams. They respond that they are quite content. The proselytizer
emphasizes that they could get whatever they want --mentally, physically, or
spiritually --if only they chanted. She then indicates how chanting has
provided her with greater meaning and purpose, enabled her to get better
grades in school, and improved her relationship with her parents. Their
response was still one of disinterest, so the proselytizer moves on in search of
other prospects. (1982, p. 15)
Perhaps the unique feature of this description is the readiness with which the proselytizer
appeared to move on. As in any other field that utilizes essentially sales techniques, some
practitioners are more persistent than others. Whether an itinerant salesman, a Hare
Krishna devotee seeking donations, or one of today‟s street beggars, some will move on
after one rebuff while others hang on hoping to change the target‟s mind through use of a
new argument or simple repetition.
We must consider as well the nature of the target. In times of stress and uncertainty, more
people are amenable to persuasion by someone who appears to have “the answers,” even if
this means accepting an undue measure of control. On a national scale, we‟ve seen this
happen time and time again from the period of the Exodus to modern-day Iran. On the
individual level, vulnerability to techniques of persuasion and control is particularly noted at
several points in development --late adolescence, early adulthood, and today in very late
adulthood. These are the times in a person‟s life cycle of major change and numerous
options. For those individuals who have not yet determined direction and who may not have
experience in decision-making in an amorphous situation, the invitation to a solution that
promises happiness and fulfillment is tempting indeed. Drawn in by the very effective
persuasive techniques of the recruiters and the “already committed” and increasingly
controlled by the practitioners of the organization, they, too, throw themselves into their
new group in a “thorough and totalistic manner” with all the zeal of the Crusaders of old.
Part of the attraction of cults (and other totalistic groups) may be their exclusivity: “Only we
will be saved!” or “We have the solutions to the world‟s problems!” Another attraction, at
least for social isolates, is the social network that is gained at once upon acceptance yet,
for the cult, it is also a means of controlling the new recruit‟s behavior. However,
acceptance by the group is dependent on total commitment to the group‟s ideas and on the
demonstration of such commitment by seeking to “reform,” that is, proselytize, others. The
refinement of the persuasive techniques, used without the physical terror imposed by an
Inquisitor, a Stalin, a Hitler, or an Imam, is such that it would be envied by a Mary Kay
distributor or a Madison Avenue advertising executive.
