Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2008, Page 44
group. For example, according to Rochford‘s study of former ISKCON members, ―In
virtually every case, those former ISKCON members who responded to the Centennial
Survey affirmed their unwavering commitment to Prabhupada‖ (p. 165). Rochford admits
that the ISKCON ex-member population from which he drew his survey subjects might be a
bit skewed: ―The sample of former ISKCON members is weighted toward those who
remained in the devotee networks either inside our outside ISKCON. This is because the
Centennial Survey questionnaires were distributed through devotee networks. Although
considerable effort was made to include a wide range of former members, it is clear that
those who were no longer involved in devotee relationships were unlikely to participate in
the Centennial Survey.‖ (footnote p. 244-245, referring to points made on p. 164).
I would like to have heard more from those ex-Hare Krishnas who have networked with
ICSA and other helping organizations or individuals who have over the years reported abuse
and mistreatment at the hands of the group and complete disillusionment with it. It seems
to me Rochford could have gained access to them for his surveys if he had networked with
us. (He claims he put in "considerable effort," but these people are readily available to us.)
As usual, the sociologists of religion still ignore this pool of ex-members, attributing criticism
of ―new religious movements‖ to ―deprogrammers‖ and ―anti-cult‖ groups. (p. 13). (By the
way, when are these scholars going to stop using these outdated terms?)
I realize that it is not the purpose of Rochford‘s book to deal with the issues of abuse in of
ISKCON or other ―new religious movements,‖ other than to point out how the revelations of
extensive child abuse and discrimination against women forced ISKCON to deal with these
issues and to modify its structure to better accommodate children, women, and the
burgeoning family structure in the movement. To be fair, Rochford does credit the ISKCON
leaders, as we ―anti-cult‖ people do also, with honestly and openly dealing with the scandals
of child abuse when they surfaced. (Of course, they were forced to do so when the now-
grown children made public the abuses before that, these accusations were swept under
the rug, a practice not uncommon in mainstream religions and institutions, as well.)
And while sociologists of religion emphasize changes that ―new religious movements‖
undergo over the course of time, they rarely if ever acknowledge changes in the ―anti-cult‖
movement, particularly the constant increase in balance of fine scientific studies of cultic
movements that ICSA researchers undertake. The sociologists must be aware of these
studies—Rochford himself was featured as a prominent speaker at (formerly) AFF
conferences in Seattle in 2000 and in Connecticut in 2003.
Perhaps the problem here is these sociologists‘ use of the term ―new religious movements‖
to describe what we in the counter-cult movement call, for want of a better term, ―cults.‖
The key question is, as Rochford quotes fellow sociologist Eileen Barker, ―When do new
religions stop being new? … In the twenty-first century the Unification Church, ISKCON, and
Scientology are beginning to look old‖ (p. 215). Does the use of the term ―new religious
movements‖ mean that when these groups grow older they are no longer abusive because
they have had to accommodate themselves to the outside culture they created themselves
to battle? Although this might be the case for ISKCON, if you believe Dr. Rochford (and
before I accept that it is, I want to hear from ex-members not in ISKCON‘s network), it is
not true for some of the other older groups.
Hare Krishna Transformed is extremely useful for scholars. Rochford argues his points
carefully and systematically, building his argument with excellent summaries at the end of
each chapter and introductions to the next points he will make. He includes extensive
appendices with explanation of statistics, charts, and data tables. The book includes
numerous explanatory footnotes, a large glossary of terms, and a large useful bibliography.
Hare Krishna Transformed also will appeal to a general audience. For example, the first
chapter, ―Growing Up,‖ which traces the life of a boy born into and raised in the movement,
group. For example, according to Rochford‘s study of former ISKCON members, ―In
virtually every case, those former ISKCON members who responded to the Centennial
Survey affirmed their unwavering commitment to Prabhupada‖ (p. 165). Rochford admits
that the ISKCON ex-member population from which he drew his survey subjects might be a
bit skewed: ―The sample of former ISKCON members is weighted toward those who
remained in the devotee networks either inside our outside ISKCON. This is because the
Centennial Survey questionnaires were distributed through devotee networks. Although
considerable effort was made to include a wide range of former members, it is clear that
those who were no longer involved in devotee relationships were unlikely to participate in
the Centennial Survey.‖ (footnote p. 244-245, referring to points made on p. 164).
I would like to have heard more from those ex-Hare Krishnas who have networked with
ICSA and other helping organizations or individuals who have over the years reported abuse
and mistreatment at the hands of the group and complete disillusionment with it. It seems
to me Rochford could have gained access to them for his surveys if he had networked with
us. (He claims he put in "considerable effort," but these people are readily available to us.)
As usual, the sociologists of religion still ignore this pool of ex-members, attributing criticism
of ―new religious movements‖ to ―deprogrammers‖ and ―anti-cult‖ groups. (p. 13). (By the
way, when are these scholars going to stop using these outdated terms?)
I realize that it is not the purpose of Rochford‘s book to deal with the issues of abuse in of
ISKCON or other ―new religious movements,‖ other than to point out how the revelations of
extensive child abuse and discrimination against women forced ISKCON to deal with these
issues and to modify its structure to better accommodate children, women, and the
burgeoning family structure in the movement. To be fair, Rochford does credit the ISKCON
leaders, as we ―anti-cult‖ people do also, with honestly and openly dealing with the scandals
of child abuse when they surfaced. (Of course, they were forced to do so when the now-
grown children made public the abuses before that, these accusations were swept under
the rug, a practice not uncommon in mainstream religions and institutions, as well.)
And while sociologists of religion emphasize changes that ―new religious movements‖
undergo over the course of time, they rarely if ever acknowledge changes in the ―anti-cult‖
movement, particularly the constant increase in balance of fine scientific studies of cultic
movements that ICSA researchers undertake. The sociologists must be aware of these
studies—Rochford himself was featured as a prominent speaker at (formerly) AFF
conferences in Seattle in 2000 and in Connecticut in 2003.
Perhaps the problem here is these sociologists‘ use of the term ―new religious movements‖
to describe what we in the counter-cult movement call, for want of a better term, ―cults.‖
The key question is, as Rochford quotes fellow sociologist Eileen Barker, ―When do new
religions stop being new? … In the twenty-first century the Unification Church, ISKCON, and
Scientology are beginning to look old‖ (p. 215). Does the use of the term ―new religious
movements‖ mean that when these groups grow older they are no longer abusive because
they have had to accommodate themselves to the outside culture they created themselves
to battle? Although this might be the case for ISKCON, if you believe Dr. Rochford (and
before I accept that it is, I want to hear from ex-members not in ISKCON‘s network), it is
not true for some of the other older groups.
Hare Krishna Transformed is extremely useful for scholars. Rochford argues his points
carefully and systematically, building his argument with excellent summaries at the end of
each chapter and introductions to the next points he will make. He includes extensive
appendices with explanation of statistics, charts, and data tables. The book includes
numerous explanatory footnotes, a large glossary of terms, and a large useful bibliography.
Hare Krishna Transformed also will appeal to a general audience. For example, the first
chapter, ―Growing Up,‖ which traces the life of a boy born into and raised in the movement,
