Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2008, Page 35
Some children ascend the LRA‘s hierarchy by internalizing or pretending to internalize the
LRA‘s doctrine and behaviors. If soldiers ascend high in the LRA, then they may transfer to
a specialty unit, such as the Kafun, which specializes in killing. A story from a child soldier
who became a commander of the Kafun unit, Thomas Kopkulu, displays the torture that
higher ranks inflict on civilians under Kony‘s direction:
He [Kopkulu] and his troops captured dozens of villagers, and Kony told them
how the villagers should be treated. After nine of them were killed, other
villagers were forced, at gunpoint, to chop them up into small pieces. These
were then put in a big pot, salted, and boiled. After they [the villagers]
finished eating, Kopkulu said ―all those people were killed.‖ (Judah 2004, 63)
The Kafun, according to Kopkulu, operate under the direction of Kony‘s jogi (Judah 2004,
63). Divisions such as the Kafun might create large numbers of (child) soldiers who are
unwilling to surrender because of the extent and number of their atrocities.
Most children who ascend the hierarchy do not go to a specialty unit, but instead gain
control over a small subunit of the LRA. Kony rewards these children for helping him
manage his forces with special privileges over other members (Allen 2006, 65). Privileges
that the LRA awards to new commanders include control over others (including underage
wives), extra food and water, and fighting further back during battles, where mortality rates
are lower than on the front line. These privileges create a sense of power and security for
obedient soldiers, some of whom eventually internalize the group‘s behavior.
While in the LRA, however, even children who do not internalize the LRA‘s ideals must act
against morals to survive. Guerrilla forces such as the LRA demand that children adhere to
―new explanations of reality and a worldview that undermines their traditional values and
conceptions of reality‖ (Hundeide 2003, 117). For instance, LRA commanders teach that
expressing emotion (especially sensitivity to atrocities) is bad, whereas fearlessly fighting,
mutilating, and murdering people is good. Children learn that their opinions do not matter
and that their lives are worth less than the LRA‘s cause (or at least they behave as if they
believe in the diminished value of their lives‘ worth).
To adhere to LRA ideals and morals, children imitate their commanders because the LRA is
very secretive about its guiding doctrines. Children who imitate their commanders are
mimicking men who have killed countless people, do not care for their captives, and dictate
the death, abduction, and release of abducted children (Allen, 2006:64). Some abductees
see their commanders as symbols of power, manhood, protection, and survival (Hundeide
2003, 116). Their commanders become a ―guide to adulthood‖ for some of the younger
children, who surround themselves with their aggressors and copy their behaviors (Cheney
2005, 34). Many children, however, perform the tasks assigned by commanders and imitate
them without regarding them as positive role models (Cheney 2005, 34). Charles, a fifteen-
year-old escapee, never wished to be like his commander, but he was aware that mimicking
the man would increase his chances of survival and eventual escape. Consequently, he
ingratiated himself to his commander and copied his behavior. Charles explains, ―‗You had
to adapt yourself so quickly to that kind of life‘‖ (quoted in HRW 1997, 20).
The LRA isolates children from all media sources, information, and outside people in an
effort to ensure that they behave as told. The LRA‘s isolation tactics are evident from
escapees‘ ignorance of the Amnesty Accord (Vinci 2005, 366-367) despite the fact that the
government issued many amnesty appeals over the radio (Hovil and Lomo 2004, 64). In
isolation, guerrilla movements usually teach children their groups‘ values through ―direct
indoctrination‖ (teaching new followers the group‘s core beliefs and motives [Hundeide
2003, 118]). In the LRA, however, direct indoctrination plays a small role in creating
insiders when compared to the various forms of coercion and manipulation, participation in
atrocities, and imitation of commanders‘ behaviors.
Some children ascend the LRA‘s hierarchy by internalizing or pretending to internalize the
LRA‘s doctrine and behaviors. If soldiers ascend high in the LRA, then they may transfer to
a specialty unit, such as the Kafun, which specializes in killing. A story from a child soldier
who became a commander of the Kafun unit, Thomas Kopkulu, displays the torture that
higher ranks inflict on civilians under Kony‘s direction:
He [Kopkulu] and his troops captured dozens of villagers, and Kony told them
how the villagers should be treated. After nine of them were killed, other
villagers were forced, at gunpoint, to chop them up into small pieces. These
were then put in a big pot, salted, and boiled. After they [the villagers]
finished eating, Kopkulu said ―all those people were killed.‖ (Judah 2004, 63)
The Kafun, according to Kopkulu, operate under the direction of Kony‘s jogi (Judah 2004,
63). Divisions such as the Kafun might create large numbers of (child) soldiers who are
unwilling to surrender because of the extent and number of their atrocities.
Most children who ascend the hierarchy do not go to a specialty unit, but instead gain
control over a small subunit of the LRA. Kony rewards these children for helping him
manage his forces with special privileges over other members (Allen 2006, 65). Privileges
that the LRA awards to new commanders include control over others (including underage
wives), extra food and water, and fighting further back during battles, where mortality rates
are lower than on the front line. These privileges create a sense of power and security for
obedient soldiers, some of whom eventually internalize the group‘s behavior.
While in the LRA, however, even children who do not internalize the LRA‘s ideals must act
against morals to survive. Guerrilla forces such as the LRA demand that children adhere to
―new explanations of reality and a worldview that undermines their traditional values and
conceptions of reality‖ (Hundeide 2003, 117). For instance, LRA commanders teach that
expressing emotion (especially sensitivity to atrocities) is bad, whereas fearlessly fighting,
mutilating, and murdering people is good. Children learn that their opinions do not matter
and that their lives are worth less than the LRA‘s cause (or at least they behave as if they
believe in the diminished value of their lives‘ worth).
To adhere to LRA ideals and morals, children imitate their commanders because the LRA is
very secretive about its guiding doctrines. Children who imitate their commanders are
mimicking men who have killed countless people, do not care for their captives, and dictate
the death, abduction, and release of abducted children (Allen, 2006:64). Some abductees
see their commanders as symbols of power, manhood, protection, and survival (Hundeide
2003, 116). Their commanders become a ―guide to adulthood‖ for some of the younger
children, who surround themselves with their aggressors and copy their behaviors (Cheney
2005, 34). Many children, however, perform the tasks assigned by commanders and imitate
them without regarding them as positive role models (Cheney 2005, 34). Charles, a fifteen-
year-old escapee, never wished to be like his commander, but he was aware that mimicking
the man would increase his chances of survival and eventual escape. Consequently, he
ingratiated himself to his commander and copied his behavior. Charles explains, ―‗You had
to adapt yourself so quickly to that kind of life‘‖ (quoted in HRW 1997, 20).
The LRA isolates children from all media sources, information, and outside people in an
effort to ensure that they behave as told. The LRA‘s isolation tactics are evident from
escapees‘ ignorance of the Amnesty Accord (Vinci 2005, 366-367) despite the fact that the
government issued many amnesty appeals over the radio (Hovil and Lomo 2004, 64). In
isolation, guerrilla movements usually teach children their groups‘ values through ―direct
indoctrination‖ (teaching new followers the group‘s core beliefs and motives [Hundeide
2003, 118]). In the LRA, however, direct indoctrination plays a small role in creating
insiders when compared to the various forms of coercion and manipulation, participation in
atrocities, and imitation of commanders‘ behaviors.
