Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2008, Page 40
9 This accord prevents any legal action against children who had committed atrocities while in the LRA.
Museveni passed the accord in an effort to encourage child soldiers and commanders to leave the
guerilla movement, thereby weakening the rebel group by diminishing its members (Vinci 2005, 366-
367).
10 On January 7, 2005, the Sudanese government signed a peace agreement with the rebels in
southern Sudan (Prendergast 2005, 2). Because the LRA was attacking rebels in southern Sudan,
maintaining the 2005 peace agreement required that the government cease providing the LRA with
supplies.
11 I have found only one testimonial that refers to a volunteer child soldier. J.O. told Amnesty
International (1997, 31) that he met a boy in a Child Protection Unit who claimed to have joined the
LRA to take revenge on the UPDF for murdering his aunt. The LRA forced the boy to kill J.O.‘s mother
and brother, and he quickly regretted his choice to join (Amnesty International 1997, 31).
12 The Aboke girls that Els de Temmerman (2001, 45) interviewed said that if they touched their
wounds, then the LRA beat them again with greater brutality.
13 Because the LRA tracks children‘s families following escape, most of the children‘s testimonies that I
refer to are disguised with pseudonyms, which are identical to the names in the secondary sources
that I cite.
14 G.O. reported to UN interviewers that LRA commanders beat a girl only for the first two times that
she attempted to escape and then forced the other children to beat her to death on her third attempt.
After her murder, the commander threatened that if anyone else tried to escape, then he would have
all the children killed (UN 2003, 14). Moreover, another woman who was in her twenties when she
was interviewed by Tim Allen‘s (2006, 66) research team testified that when she first attempted to
escape the LRA commander beat her with a cane.
15 Even though many stories of cannibalism and blood drinking surround the LRA, it is possible that
these stories are exaggerations of terrible atrocities. Luise White (2000, 243) notes that many
Africans used stories of cannibalism among Europeans as resistance against the colonial regime. It is
possible that survivors of the LRA use stories of cannibalism to express the intensity of their
experiences and to denounce any moral standing that the LRA might otherwise have. It is also
possible, however, that cannibalism exists within the LRA.
16 The feeling of no return that the LRA creates is similar to feelings created by other totalitarian
groups. For an analysis of how these feelings affect individuals‘ dedication to their group—with specific
reference to child soldiers in Sierra Leon—see Hundeide‘s (2003) ―Becoming a Committed Insider‖
(2003).
17 Catherine testified that she refused her husband, and the LRA beat her on the back eight times with
a panga but did not force her to partake in sexual activities. As the result of community reprisals for
rape, however, many girls try to downplay that part of their abduction.
18 I found one example of the LRA releasing a girl (named Cecilia) following the death of her husband
(John Okech [UN 2003, 32]).
19 Some minor differences exist between the description of these rituals by Rudy Doom and Koen
Vlassenroot (1998) and Heike Behrend (1999a). Doom and Vlassenroot (1998, 23) believe that Kony‘s
soldiers transform into malaika when sprinkled with holy water and that controllers sprinkle all
newcomers (rather than only soldiers) with this water.
20 This assertion even justifies the denial of medical treatment because only impure people get
injured, become ill, or die (Van Acker 2004, 349).
21 For instance, Susan McKay and Michael Wessells (2004, 1646) argue that the post-traumatic stress
disorder diagnosis labels children within a limited diagnosis and, therefore, results in a limited range of
treatments.
Terra Manca’s research interests include both religious movements and alternative
medicines that relate to various health issues. Currently she is writing her Master‘s thesis at
the University of Alberta under the supervision of Professor Stephen Kent.
This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Review 2008, Volume 7,
Number 2, pages 129-166. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the
bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.
9 This accord prevents any legal action against children who had committed atrocities while in the LRA.
Museveni passed the accord in an effort to encourage child soldiers and commanders to leave the
guerilla movement, thereby weakening the rebel group by diminishing its members (Vinci 2005, 366-
367).
10 On January 7, 2005, the Sudanese government signed a peace agreement with the rebels in
southern Sudan (Prendergast 2005, 2). Because the LRA was attacking rebels in southern Sudan,
maintaining the 2005 peace agreement required that the government cease providing the LRA with
supplies.
11 I have found only one testimonial that refers to a volunteer child soldier. J.O. told Amnesty
International (1997, 31) that he met a boy in a Child Protection Unit who claimed to have joined the
LRA to take revenge on the UPDF for murdering his aunt. The LRA forced the boy to kill J.O.‘s mother
and brother, and he quickly regretted his choice to join (Amnesty International 1997, 31).
12 The Aboke girls that Els de Temmerman (2001, 45) interviewed said that if they touched their
wounds, then the LRA beat them again with greater brutality.
13 Because the LRA tracks children‘s families following escape, most of the children‘s testimonies that I
refer to are disguised with pseudonyms, which are identical to the names in the secondary sources
that I cite.
14 G.O. reported to UN interviewers that LRA commanders beat a girl only for the first two times that
she attempted to escape and then forced the other children to beat her to death on her third attempt.
After her murder, the commander threatened that if anyone else tried to escape, then he would have
all the children killed (UN 2003, 14). Moreover, another woman who was in her twenties when she
was interviewed by Tim Allen‘s (2006, 66) research team testified that when she first attempted to
escape the LRA commander beat her with a cane.
15 Even though many stories of cannibalism and blood drinking surround the LRA, it is possible that
these stories are exaggerations of terrible atrocities. Luise White (2000, 243) notes that many
Africans used stories of cannibalism among Europeans as resistance against the colonial regime. It is
possible that survivors of the LRA use stories of cannibalism to express the intensity of their
experiences and to denounce any moral standing that the LRA might otherwise have. It is also
possible, however, that cannibalism exists within the LRA.
16 The feeling of no return that the LRA creates is similar to feelings created by other totalitarian
groups. For an analysis of how these feelings affect individuals‘ dedication to their group—with specific
reference to child soldiers in Sierra Leon—see Hundeide‘s (2003) ―Becoming a Committed Insider‖
(2003).
17 Catherine testified that she refused her husband, and the LRA beat her on the back eight times with
a panga but did not force her to partake in sexual activities. As the result of community reprisals for
rape, however, many girls try to downplay that part of their abduction.
18 I found one example of the LRA releasing a girl (named Cecilia) following the death of her husband
(John Okech [UN 2003, 32]).
19 Some minor differences exist between the description of these rituals by Rudy Doom and Koen
Vlassenroot (1998) and Heike Behrend (1999a). Doom and Vlassenroot (1998, 23) believe that Kony‘s
soldiers transform into malaika when sprinkled with holy water and that controllers sprinkle all
newcomers (rather than only soldiers) with this water.
20 This assertion even justifies the denial of medical treatment because only impure people get
injured, become ill, or die (Van Acker 2004, 349).
21 For instance, Susan McKay and Michael Wessells (2004, 1646) argue that the post-traumatic stress
disorder diagnosis labels children within a limited diagnosis and, therefore, results in a limited range of
treatments.
Terra Manca’s research interests include both religious movements and alternative
medicines that relate to various health issues. Currently she is writing her Master‘s thesis at
the University of Alberta under the supervision of Professor Stephen Kent.
This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Review 2008, Volume 7,
Number 2, pages 129-166. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the
bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.
