ISSN: 2710-4028 DOI: https://doi.org/10.54208/0003 9
(priests, deacons, and bishops— but especially priests)
and victims from among their congregants. In other
cases, the abuse has occurred in Catholic schools,
Catholic orphanages, and, in Canada, in residential
schools (Doyle &Rubino, 2004).
In their research into sexually abusive priests, Thomson,
Marolla, and Bromley (1998) identified that priests
use what the authors term “credentialing disclaimers”
in order to legitimate behaviors that could potentially
discredit them. Hence, when victims questioned
priests about the sexual acts, the priests legitimated
them as having “divine approval” (Thomson et al.,
1998, p. 177) that need not be explained to outsiders
(Thomson et al., 1998), thus ensuring compliance
for sexual abuse (and as we argue, for the grooming
process). Moreover, as the authors note, Catholic
children are “unlikely to challenge such authoritative
pronouncements” (Thomson et al., 1998, p. 186).
Doyle and Rubino report that protracted periods of
grooming occur in most Catholic sexual abuse cases
(Doyle and Rubino, 2004) and that although clerical
abuse “is always an aggressive act,” many offending
clerics do not acknowledge the aggression inherent to
the grooming of children—in some cases, even viewing
it as beneficial to children (Doyle and Rubino, 2004, p.
562). This rationalization may exemplify the process of
self-grooming (Craven et al., 2006).
Podles19 (2008, p. 5) notes that in Catholic school
settings, the physical abuse of children “prepares
victims for sexual abuse” through “intimidation.”
Moreover, in his thorough and unremitting catalogue
of sexual abuse cases, he found numerous forms of
grooming tactics, including normalizing physical
contact and creating secrecy around prohibited
behaviors. Moreover, Catholic families clearly have
been trusting of the institution and of individual priests
to the extent that environmental grooming is evident.
In some cases, priests would overcome the boys’
inhibitions to create a “transgressive spirit” using
drugs, alcohol, and pornographic materials in addition
19 Podles’s book, Sacrilege: Sexual Abuse in the Catholic Church, is
a deliberately detailed and comprehensive account of the numerous sexual,
physical, emotional, and spiritual violations that priests and other clergy
perpetrated against children in the United States. A practicing Catholic,
Podles wants readers to understand the full extent of the violence and pain
children endured in addition to the extent of the church’s reprehensible
actions in failing to act. This book identifies many examples of grooming
and abuse.
to capitalizing on the boys’ natural physical urges
(Podles, 2008, pp. 48, 253). Some priests even had
the boys steal small items so that their morality was
compromised further. These forms of grooming also
fostered a sense of co- conspiracy in the boys, thus
ensuring their silence (Podles, 2008 see Lanning,
2005). Nudity (Podles, 2008), touching, masturbation
(Podles, 2008), and nude swimming (Podles, 2008),
all are examples of grooming techniques and, in some
cases, the priests framed the abuse as “sex education”
or “counseling” (Podles, 2008, pp. 253-255). All of
these (and many other) activities took place in secret
and were legitimated with religious narratives. The
grooming and abuse sometimes involved multiple
boys simultaneously, and priests groomed the boys so
effectively that one victim stated that the molestations
were a regular part of what being an altar boy meant.
He said, “‘I thought it was normal’” (quoted in Podles,
2008, pp. 254-255).
The Catholic Church is an extremely hierarchal
institution that is very much integrated into many
communities globally. Priests mediate Catholics’
relationships with God, thus they occupy immense
positions of trust—positions that in some cases afford
“opportunity structures” (Shupe, 2007, p. 6) for
grooming. Their authority is unquestionable, allowing
them to offer explanations— or, religious legitimations
(McGuire, 2008) for their behaviors. Obedience to
religious authority characterizes the hierarchy (Shupe,
2007) where children have no power. Fearful of
disobeying God (and his representatives—priests) and
mindful of otherworldly punishments—going to hell—
children are especially vulnerable to manipulation. To
question that which has been bestowed with religious
meaning and significance often may be difficult if not
impossible.
4.3. Protestant Denominations
Since the initial exposure and the ongoing revelations
of the extent of child sexual abuse (and the official
cover-up thereof) within the Roman Catholic Church,
it may appear that it is the ‘worst offender’ at the level
of mainstream religions. These abuses, however, have
resulted in an increased focus on Protestant Churches
in the United States in an attempt to assess their child
sexual abuse rates very little research exists, with most
information coming from the media and insurance
(priests, deacons, and bishops— but especially priests)
and victims from among their congregants. In other
cases, the abuse has occurred in Catholic schools,
Catholic orphanages, and, in Canada, in residential
schools (Doyle &Rubino, 2004).
In their research into sexually abusive priests, Thomson,
Marolla, and Bromley (1998) identified that priests
use what the authors term “credentialing disclaimers”
in order to legitimate behaviors that could potentially
discredit them. Hence, when victims questioned
priests about the sexual acts, the priests legitimated
them as having “divine approval” (Thomson et al.,
1998, p. 177) that need not be explained to outsiders
(Thomson et al., 1998), thus ensuring compliance
for sexual abuse (and as we argue, for the grooming
process). Moreover, as the authors note, Catholic
children are “unlikely to challenge such authoritative
pronouncements” (Thomson et al., 1998, p. 186).
Doyle and Rubino report that protracted periods of
grooming occur in most Catholic sexual abuse cases
(Doyle and Rubino, 2004) and that although clerical
abuse “is always an aggressive act,” many offending
clerics do not acknowledge the aggression inherent to
the grooming of children—in some cases, even viewing
it as beneficial to children (Doyle and Rubino, 2004, p.
562). This rationalization may exemplify the process of
self-grooming (Craven et al., 2006).
Podles19 (2008, p. 5) notes that in Catholic school
settings, the physical abuse of children “prepares
victims for sexual abuse” through “intimidation.”
Moreover, in his thorough and unremitting catalogue
of sexual abuse cases, he found numerous forms of
grooming tactics, including normalizing physical
contact and creating secrecy around prohibited
behaviors. Moreover, Catholic families clearly have
been trusting of the institution and of individual priests
to the extent that environmental grooming is evident.
In some cases, priests would overcome the boys’
inhibitions to create a “transgressive spirit” using
drugs, alcohol, and pornographic materials in addition
19 Podles’s book, Sacrilege: Sexual Abuse in the Catholic Church, is
a deliberately detailed and comprehensive account of the numerous sexual,
physical, emotional, and spiritual violations that priests and other clergy
perpetrated against children in the United States. A practicing Catholic,
Podles wants readers to understand the full extent of the violence and pain
children endured in addition to the extent of the church’s reprehensible
actions in failing to act. This book identifies many examples of grooming
and abuse.
to capitalizing on the boys’ natural physical urges
(Podles, 2008, pp. 48, 253). Some priests even had
the boys steal small items so that their morality was
compromised further. These forms of grooming also
fostered a sense of co- conspiracy in the boys, thus
ensuring their silence (Podles, 2008 see Lanning,
2005). Nudity (Podles, 2008), touching, masturbation
(Podles, 2008), and nude swimming (Podles, 2008),
all are examples of grooming techniques and, in some
cases, the priests framed the abuse as “sex education”
or “counseling” (Podles, 2008, pp. 253-255). All of
these (and many other) activities took place in secret
and were legitimated with religious narratives. The
grooming and abuse sometimes involved multiple
boys simultaneously, and priests groomed the boys so
effectively that one victim stated that the molestations
were a regular part of what being an altar boy meant.
He said, “‘I thought it was normal’” (quoted in Podles,
2008, pp. 254-255).
The Catholic Church is an extremely hierarchal
institution that is very much integrated into many
communities globally. Priests mediate Catholics’
relationships with God, thus they occupy immense
positions of trust—positions that in some cases afford
“opportunity structures” (Shupe, 2007, p. 6) for
grooming. Their authority is unquestionable, allowing
them to offer explanations— or, religious legitimations
(McGuire, 2008) for their behaviors. Obedience to
religious authority characterizes the hierarchy (Shupe,
2007) where children have no power. Fearful of
disobeying God (and his representatives—priests) and
mindful of otherworldly punishments—going to hell—
children are especially vulnerable to manipulation. To
question that which has been bestowed with religious
meaning and significance often may be difficult if not
impossible.
4.3. Protestant Denominations
Since the initial exposure and the ongoing revelations
of the extent of child sexual abuse (and the official
cover-up thereof) within the Roman Catholic Church,
it may appear that it is the ‘worst offender’ at the level
of mainstream religions. These abuses, however, have
resulted in an increased focus on Protestant Churches
in the United States in an attempt to assess their child
sexual abuse rates very little research exists, with most
information coming from the media and insurance
