International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 3 2022 6
Most religions offer the promise of salvation in the
form of an afterlife. This assurance is an extremely
potent motivator in terms of religious behaviors—
especially for those individuals with high levels of
commitment to their faith. As Anson Shupe notes,
“the power of religion as a symbolic, salvation-
promising enterprise resides in its authority to create
and shape reality for believers and command their
obedience” (Shupe, 1998, p. 1). The anxiety of not
acting in accordance with the requirements of one’s
faith and hence jeopardizing one’s place in heaven may
foster compliance to grooming and subsequent abuse.
Children often are fearful of disappointing adults and
incurring punishments. When the punishment is the
withholding of the rewards of heaven, then one can
imagine the trauma that children might experience.
God or other deities supposedly grant access to heaven
or other supernatural dimensions, and the presumed
presence of a higher power is a significant feature of
most religions. One cannot overstate the importance
of it in guiding religious members’ behaviors and
fostering compliance in them.
Prakashanand Saraswati, leader of the Barsana Dham
ashram in Texas in the United States illustrates these
features well. At his trial, the court heard that two of
the underage girls he abused revered Saraswati as a god
and could not question his acts. The first accuser, age 30
by the time of the trial, said that the abuse began when
she was twelve years old. She said that “‘she thought
it was impossible to outcry against a god’” (Assistant
Criminal District Attorney Amy Lockhart, quoted in
Kimmons, 2011). Furthermore, “‘she was told that
it was a test and if she failed she would go to hell’”
(Lockhart, quoted in Kimmons, 2011). The children of
the ashram loved Saraswati. A former member recalls,
“. ..he seemed like an Indian version of Santa Claus,’”
and “‘. ..he was really, like, cuddly and he’d give you
hugs and kisses that just felt like your grandpa. But
then sometimes his kisses got weird’” (Kate Tonnessen,
quoted in CNN, 2015).
3.3 Compliance in Authoritarian Religions
Authoritarian religions in particular may foster
conditions that instill high levels of compliance during
the grooming process. Such religions are extremely
conservative, adhere to literal readings of religious
texts, self-identify as uniquely legitimate, require
absolute obedience and loyalty to authority (and
may use fear to engender conformity), and place the
standing of the religion over the needs of individual
members. Hierarchal and comprising many regulations
(Heimlich, 2011), in this context, leaders may identify
members of their community as ‘specially chosen’ for
particular tasks and roles. Fear of religious punishments
for rejecting this role may be devastating. Religious
obedience to patriarchy is a compelling feature and
almost all religions are patriarchal to a lesser or greater
extent, but authoritarian religions are especially so.
A compelling illustration of the power of religious
authority and patriarchy occurred in the grooming
of young girls in the Branch Davidian movement led
by David Koresh (b. Vernon Howell, 1959-1993).13 In
this group, almost all members lived communally near
Waco, Texas. Kiri Jewell grew up in the group, and at
age 14 gave testimony to U.S. Congress, describing the
way in which her mother had prepared her to become a
child bride (at 10 years of age) of Koresh’s, considering
it an honor. Koresh raped her in a motel room to which
her mother had taken her (ABC News, 2003). During
her testimony, Jewel also spoke of the rapes of other
young girls (Committee on Government Reform and
Oversight, 1995 Jacobs, 2000).
One member of the religious community explained
her reservations about the ages of Koresh’s child wives,
noting that they looked “really young.” She rationalized
his abuses by saying that at the time, she thought he
was just “getting them ready” (ABC Primetime, 2003,
p. 4). The adults in the community appeared to
accept his sexual relationships with children. Koresh
used scripture and his religious status to groom the
parents: in this case, not to make Koresh seem likeable
or helpful (as is often the case with child predators),
but instead to ensure that the parents consented to
his sexual abuse of the minors—framing it as he
did as a religiously significant event. Koresh had
proclaimed that, as a messiah, God had ordained him
to take multiple wives.14 Koresh used many religious
13 See Janet L. Jacobs (2000) for a discussion of the relationship
dynamics between charismatic authority, power, and “male entitlement” in
religious movements. She proposes that such conditions can foster an array
of sexual abuses.
14 In 1984, Koresh legally wed a fourteen-year-old. Subsequently,
he illegally “married” another fourteen-year-old and a twelve-year-old.
Additionally, he married other teens—a sixteen and seventeen-year-old as
well as a twenty-year-old young woman (Tabor and Gallagher, 1995, pp. 41-
43).
Most religions offer the promise of salvation in the
form of an afterlife. This assurance is an extremely
potent motivator in terms of religious behaviors—
especially for those individuals with high levels of
commitment to their faith. As Anson Shupe notes,
“the power of religion as a symbolic, salvation-
promising enterprise resides in its authority to create
and shape reality for believers and command their
obedience” (Shupe, 1998, p. 1). The anxiety of not
acting in accordance with the requirements of one’s
faith and hence jeopardizing one’s place in heaven may
foster compliance to grooming and subsequent abuse.
Children often are fearful of disappointing adults and
incurring punishments. When the punishment is the
withholding of the rewards of heaven, then one can
imagine the trauma that children might experience.
God or other deities supposedly grant access to heaven
or other supernatural dimensions, and the presumed
presence of a higher power is a significant feature of
most religions. One cannot overstate the importance
of it in guiding religious members’ behaviors and
fostering compliance in them.
Prakashanand Saraswati, leader of the Barsana Dham
ashram in Texas in the United States illustrates these
features well. At his trial, the court heard that two of
the underage girls he abused revered Saraswati as a god
and could not question his acts. The first accuser, age 30
by the time of the trial, said that the abuse began when
she was twelve years old. She said that “‘she thought
it was impossible to outcry against a god’” (Assistant
Criminal District Attorney Amy Lockhart, quoted in
Kimmons, 2011). Furthermore, “‘she was told that
it was a test and if she failed she would go to hell’”
(Lockhart, quoted in Kimmons, 2011). The children of
the ashram loved Saraswati. A former member recalls,
“. ..he seemed like an Indian version of Santa Claus,’”
and “‘. ..he was really, like, cuddly and he’d give you
hugs and kisses that just felt like your grandpa. But
then sometimes his kisses got weird’” (Kate Tonnessen,
quoted in CNN, 2015).
3.3 Compliance in Authoritarian Religions
Authoritarian religions in particular may foster
conditions that instill high levels of compliance during
the grooming process. Such religions are extremely
conservative, adhere to literal readings of religious
texts, self-identify as uniquely legitimate, require
absolute obedience and loyalty to authority (and
may use fear to engender conformity), and place the
standing of the religion over the needs of individual
members. Hierarchal and comprising many regulations
(Heimlich, 2011), in this context, leaders may identify
members of their community as ‘specially chosen’ for
particular tasks and roles. Fear of religious punishments
for rejecting this role may be devastating. Religious
obedience to patriarchy is a compelling feature and
almost all religions are patriarchal to a lesser or greater
extent, but authoritarian religions are especially so.
A compelling illustration of the power of religious
authority and patriarchy occurred in the grooming
of young girls in the Branch Davidian movement led
by David Koresh (b. Vernon Howell, 1959-1993).13 In
this group, almost all members lived communally near
Waco, Texas. Kiri Jewell grew up in the group, and at
age 14 gave testimony to U.S. Congress, describing the
way in which her mother had prepared her to become a
child bride (at 10 years of age) of Koresh’s, considering
it an honor. Koresh raped her in a motel room to which
her mother had taken her (ABC News, 2003). During
her testimony, Jewel also spoke of the rapes of other
young girls (Committee on Government Reform and
Oversight, 1995 Jacobs, 2000).
One member of the religious community explained
her reservations about the ages of Koresh’s child wives,
noting that they looked “really young.” She rationalized
his abuses by saying that at the time, she thought he
was just “getting them ready” (ABC Primetime, 2003,
p. 4). The adults in the community appeared to
accept his sexual relationships with children. Koresh
used scripture and his religious status to groom the
parents: in this case, not to make Koresh seem likeable
or helpful (as is often the case with child predators),
but instead to ensure that the parents consented to
his sexual abuse of the minors—framing it as he
did as a religiously significant event. Koresh had
proclaimed that, as a messiah, God had ordained him
to take multiple wives.14 Koresh used many religious
13 See Janet L. Jacobs (2000) for a discussion of the relationship
dynamics between charismatic authority, power, and “male entitlement” in
religious movements. She proposes that such conditions can foster an array
of sexual abuses.
14 In 1984, Koresh legally wed a fourteen-year-old. Subsequently,
he illegally “married” another fourteen-year-old and a twelve-year-old.
Additionally, he married other teens—a sixteen and seventeen-year-old as
well as a twenty-year-old young woman (Tabor and Gallagher, 1995, pp. 41-
43).
