ISSN: 2710-4028 DOI: https://doi.org/10.54208/0003 7
justifications whilst grooming his community to accept
his abuses, such that they became “gatekeepers of
access” (McAlinden, 2012, p. 18). In one sermon he
stated that, “As the lamb of God he was entitled to have
all the women and girls sexually” (Tabor &Gallagher,
1995, p. 86). Worth noting here is the religious history
of regarding both women and children as sexual
property. During earlier periods in both Judaism and
Christianity, men engaging in sexual acts with girls was
normalized (Rush, 1980, cited in van Dam, 2001), and
it seems clear that in many religious settings this legacy
continues.
David Finkelhor (2008) notes that a “generally
overlooked but very important reason that children are
at high risk for victimization, one that has to do with
the conditions of children’s social lives and their living
arrangements: children have comparatively little choice
over whom they associate with” (Finkelhor, 2008, p. 10).
This situation is applicable in terms of their families,
schools, and other institutions, including religious
ones. This inability to make specific choices regarding
affiliation—in this case religious communities—means
that children like Kiri Jewell and countless others may
have to endure contact with their sexual offenders
on a regular basis and over a protracted period,
especially when the importance of religious belief
and community to the children’s families are high.
Moreover, as we discuss, in some cases (including the
Branch Davidians and the Children of God), children
are raised in families that reside in, and are a part of,
the religious community. In these cases, the religious
group may be relatively or even totally socially and or
geographically isolated from society, thus decreasing
the child’s opportunity to reach out to others for help.
3.4 Family Rhetoric
Sometimes the religious group also even may mimic
aspects of and operate in similar ways to the institution
of family (Cartwright and Kent, 1992). The use of
familial language may be especially prominent and
even institutionalized, as in Roman Catholicism:
‘father,’ ‘brother,’ ‘sister,’ ‘mother’ etc. (Pilgrim, 2018).
Informal familial language is just as powerful in its
consequences—for example, David Berg as ‘grandpa’
in the Children of God and Donn Ketchum as ‘uncle’
in Association of Baptists for World Evangelism
(both discussed later). During the grooming process,
the convergence of religious and perceived familial
authority may be especially formidable: the abuser
as both religious figure and ‘family member’ may
command obedience and respect and foster love and a
certainty that this person could do no wrong.
Together, these aforementioned features of religion: the
presumed presence of a powerful God or other entity
in the supernatural realm, religiously defined meaning-
making, worldviews, theodicies and legitimations,
as well as salvational status, familial language and
practices, power, patriarchy, obedience and loyalty,
and fear of incurring spiritual punishments—are a
part of all religions to greater or lesser extents. The
perceived unquestionable authority of religious figures
and their claimed unique and vital relationships to
the divine realm is a feature of religious authority—
one that plays an important role in the grooming of
children in religious settings. Finally, the way in which
religious identity acts as a powerful master status for
many individuals, coupled with the often over-arching
presence of religious teachings and ideas at all levels of
one’s life, truly sets it apart from other institutions.
4. Case Studies
4.1. Definitional considerations
Thus far, we have referred to ‘religion,’ ‘religious
institutions,’ and ‘religious movements and groups’ in
the very broadest of terms, but of course, religions are
not homogenous. It is beyond the scope of this article
to articulate the entire spectrum of religious categories
in detail, and not all religions neatly fall into such
classifications. Moreover, academics and others often
disagree on the labelling process, and, more generally,
scholars of religion are familiar already with the
limitations of the conceptual boundaries of religious
categories.15 Nonetheless, to aid in the understanding
of different religious dynamics, we classify our case
studies into Church (the Roman Catholic Church),
Denomination (e.g. Conservative Protestantism), Sect
(Seventh-day Adventists), and Cult/New Religious
15 For example, the Branch Davidians are a schism of the Seventh-
day Adventist faith, which in turn is a Christian sectarian movement. Media
and many scholars typically label the Branch Davidians a cult. Likewise,
one can identify the Children of God as a Christian sect given, however,
many of its characteristics scholars often label it a cult or new religious
movement (as we do here).
justifications whilst grooming his community to accept
his abuses, such that they became “gatekeepers of
access” (McAlinden, 2012, p. 18). In one sermon he
stated that, “As the lamb of God he was entitled to have
all the women and girls sexually” (Tabor &Gallagher,
1995, p. 86). Worth noting here is the religious history
of regarding both women and children as sexual
property. During earlier periods in both Judaism and
Christianity, men engaging in sexual acts with girls was
normalized (Rush, 1980, cited in van Dam, 2001), and
it seems clear that in many religious settings this legacy
continues.
David Finkelhor (2008) notes that a “generally
overlooked but very important reason that children are
at high risk for victimization, one that has to do with
the conditions of children’s social lives and their living
arrangements: children have comparatively little choice
over whom they associate with” (Finkelhor, 2008, p. 10).
This situation is applicable in terms of their families,
schools, and other institutions, including religious
ones. This inability to make specific choices regarding
affiliation—in this case religious communities—means
that children like Kiri Jewell and countless others may
have to endure contact with their sexual offenders
on a regular basis and over a protracted period,
especially when the importance of religious belief
and community to the children’s families are high.
Moreover, as we discuss, in some cases (including the
Branch Davidians and the Children of God), children
are raised in families that reside in, and are a part of,
the religious community. In these cases, the religious
group may be relatively or even totally socially and or
geographically isolated from society, thus decreasing
the child’s opportunity to reach out to others for help.
3.4 Family Rhetoric
Sometimes the religious group also even may mimic
aspects of and operate in similar ways to the institution
of family (Cartwright and Kent, 1992). The use of
familial language may be especially prominent and
even institutionalized, as in Roman Catholicism:
‘father,’ ‘brother,’ ‘sister,’ ‘mother’ etc. (Pilgrim, 2018).
Informal familial language is just as powerful in its
consequences—for example, David Berg as ‘grandpa’
in the Children of God and Donn Ketchum as ‘uncle’
in Association of Baptists for World Evangelism
(both discussed later). During the grooming process,
the convergence of religious and perceived familial
authority may be especially formidable: the abuser
as both religious figure and ‘family member’ may
command obedience and respect and foster love and a
certainty that this person could do no wrong.
Together, these aforementioned features of religion: the
presumed presence of a powerful God or other entity
in the supernatural realm, religiously defined meaning-
making, worldviews, theodicies and legitimations,
as well as salvational status, familial language and
practices, power, patriarchy, obedience and loyalty,
and fear of incurring spiritual punishments—are a
part of all religions to greater or lesser extents. The
perceived unquestionable authority of religious figures
and their claimed unique and vital relationships to
the divine realm is a feature of religious authority—
one that plays an important role in the grooming of
children in religious settings. Finally, the way in which
religious identity acts as a powerful master status for
many individuals, coupled with the often over-arching
presence of religious teachings and ideas at all levels of
one’s life, truly sets it apart from other institutions.
4. Case Studies
4.1. Definitional considerations
Thus far, we have referred to ‘religion,’ ‘religious
institutions,’ and ‘religious movements and groups’ in
the very broadest of terms, but of course, religions are
not homogenous. It is beyond the scope of this article
to articulate the entire spectrum of religious categories
in detail, and not all religions neatly fall into such
classifications. Moreover, academics and others often
disagree on the labelling process, and, more generally,
scholars of religion are familiar already with the
limitations of the conceptual boundaries of religious
categories.15 Nonetheless, to aid in the understanding
of different religious dynamics, we classify our case
studies into Church (the Roman Catholic Church),
Denomination (e.g. Conservative Protestantism), Sect
(Seventh-day Adventists), and Cult/New Religious
15 For example, the Branch Davidians are a schism of the Seventh-
day Adventist faith, which in turn is a Christian sectarian movement. Media
and many scholars typically label the Branch Davidians a cult. Likewise,
one can identify the Children of God as a Christian sect given, however,
many of its characteristics scholars often label it a cult or new religious
movement (as we do here).
