ISSN: 2710-4028 DOI: https://doi.org/10.54208/0003 13
5. Conclusion
As this article demonstrates, the grooming of children
for sexual abuse occurs in a variety of religious settings
and the offenders may comprise a diverse array of
individuals, including “religious and spiritual leaders,
volunteers, camp counselors in religious-based camps,
staff in religious schools, and others associated with
religious communities” (Tishelman &Fontes, 2017,
p. 122). Moreover, because of religion’s institutional
standing, religious grooming frequently takes place in
a context of “unquestioned faith placed in sex offenders
by children, parents and staff” (McAlinden, 2006).
Our work here exemplifies the many types of grooming
that the existing literature details, combined with the
specific features that characterize religious settings.
Therefore, desensitization practices such as touching,
exposure to illicit material and substances, and
establishment of friendships with families all are part
of the process. At other times also, perpetrators may
use “inducements and emotional manipulation to
coerce a child into sexual abuse” (Salter, 2013, p. 128).
Our examples illustrate that offenders direct grooming
at themselves, at family environments, and towards the
children. The cluster of unique religious attributes that
we discuss—including obedience, patriarchy, claims
of divine justification, appeals to God and salvational
outcomes, the use of familial language, and closed
communities (plus many other religious features)—
have played significant roles in the grooming processes.
Furthermore, because of the inherent nature of trust
within many religious organizations and communities,
parents and other adults often have been “enthusiastic
supporters” (van Dam, 2001, p. 38) of the offending
individuals. And, of course, when children perceive
this level of support for their abusers, it makes it much
harder for them to divulge what has happened to them.
This situation is compounded because many religious
leaders experience “the walk-on-water-syndrome”
(Bratcher, 1984, cited in Shupe, 2007, p. 61 [emphasis
in original]), such that ministers, pastors and other
clergy appear to transcend laity in all matters.
In some cases—for example, Ireland—an entire society
may be groomed. So revered was the Catholic Church
in that country, that the whole nation exhibited
a “culture of disbelief” (O’Malley, 2009, cited in
McAlinden, 2012) towards abuse claims. In Ireland and
elsewhere, Catholic priests and other offenders in that
faith appear to have explicitly exploited the church’s
standing and silence during the grooming process.
In Protestant denominations, a range of grooming
contexts and tactics likely exist, but, as discussed, little
research exists on sexual abuse in this diverse branch
of Christianity, making analyses of grooming difficult.
More generally, when grooming and abuse occurs in
mainstream religious settings, then secrecy may ensue
so that the institution’s reputation (as well as the status
of individual clergy) is put before the needs of the
children and the requirements of the legal system.
Sectarian groups like the Seventh-day Adventists, but
also movements including the Jehovah’s Witnesses,
Jewish Hassidism, and Fundamentalist Mormonism
are categorized by high levels of insularity in many
respects. These and other conditions result in a
distrust of societal authorities and an unwillingness
to seek secular help for abuses. Sectarian movements
are more likely, therefore, to deal with abuses
internally—meaning that they may not be dealt with
at all. Moreover, as is the case with the Seventh-day
Adventists, institutional protection of clergy emerged
as the children were encouraged to forgive their abusers
and move on. Like mainstream religions, secrecy often
shields the communities from criminal prosecution.
Cultic movements including the Branch Davidians
and the Children of God establish religious communes
where the boundaries between religious group and
the family are blurred. By establishing strong affective
relationships, clear rules of behavior, and identifiable
roles for members that are similar to family dynamics,
these types of religious movements function as proxy
families (Robbins, 1988, p. 46). The two entities—
family and religion—enmesh such that the religious
community entirely is subject to the grooming process
as a part of the religion’s theology. When many sectarian
and cultic movements remain on the periphery of
societal norms, the tendency may be towards insularity
and non-reporting to authorities. When the community
is groomed successfully, observers of the abuse may not
even perceive any wrongdoing.
Finally, outside of the religious institution, offenders
may draw on religious rhetoric well- known to the
child as part of the grooming process. As such,
family members, neighbors, or other members of the
5. Conclusion
As this article demonstrates, the grooming of children
for sexual abuse occurs in a variety of religious settings
and the offenders may comprise a diverse array of
individuals, including “religious and spiritual leaders,
volunteers, camp counselors in religious-based camps,
staff in religious schools, and others associated with
religious communities” (Tishelman &Fontes, 2017,
p. 122). Moreover, because of religion’s institutional
standing, religious grooming frequently takes place in
a context of “unquestioned faith placed in sex offenders
by children, parents and staff” (McAlinden, 2006).
Our work here exemplifies the many types of grooming
that the existing literature details, combined with the
specific features that characterize religious settings.
Therefore, desensitization practices such as touching,
exposure to illicit material and substances, and
establishment of friendships with families all are part
of the process. At other times also, perpetrators may
use “inducements and emotional manipulation to
coerce a child into sexual abuse” (Salter, 2013, p. 128).
Our examples illustrate that offenders direct grooming
at themselves, at family environments, and towards the
children. The cluster of unique religious attributes that
we discuss—including obedience, patriarchy, claims
of divine justification, appeals to God and salvational
outcomes, the use of familial language, and closed
communities (plus many other religious features)—
have played significant roles in the grooming processes.
Furthermore, because of the inherent nature of trust
within many religious organizations and communities,
parents and other adults often have been “enthusiastic
supporters” (van Dam, 2001, p. 38) of the offending
individuals. And, of course, when children perceive
this level of support for their abusers, it makes it much
harder for them to divulge what has happened to them.
This situation is compounded because many religious
leaders experience “the walk-on-water-syndrome”
(Bratcher, 1984, cited in Shupe, 2007, p. 61 [emphasis
in original]), such that ministers, pastors and other
clergy appear to transcend laity in all matters.
In some cases—for example, Ireland—an entire society
may be groomed. So revered was the Catholic Church
in that country, that the whole nation exhibited
a “culture of disbelief” (O’Malley, 2009, cited in
McAlinden, 2012) towards abuse claims. In Ireland and
elsewhere, Catholic priests and other offenders in that
faith appear to have explicitly exploited the church’s
standing and silence during the grooming process.
In Protestant denominations, a range of grooming
contexts and tactics likely exist, but, as discussed, little
research exists on sexual abuse in this diverse branch
of Christianity, making analyses of grooming difficult.
More generally, when grooming and abuse occurs in
mainstream religious settings, then secrecy may ensue
so that the institution’s reputation (as well as the status
of individual clergy) is put before the needs of the
children and the requirements of the legal system.
Sectarian groups like the Seventh-day Adventists, but
also movements including the Jehovah’s Witnesses,
Jewish Hassidism, and Fundamentalist Mormonism
are categorized by high levels of insularity in many
respects. These and other conditions result in a
distrust of societal authorities and an unwillingness
to seek secular help for abuses. Sectarian movements
are more likely, therefore, to deal with abuses
internally—meaning that they may not be dealt with
at all. Moreover, as is the case with the Seventh-day
Adventists, institutional protection of clergy emerged
as the children were encouraged to forgive their abusers
and move on. Like mainstream religions, secrecy often
shields the communities from criminal prosecution.
Cultic movements including the Branch Davidians
and the Children of God establish religious communes
where the boundaries between religious group and
the family are blurred. By establishing strong affective
relationships, clear rules of behavior, and identifiable
roles for members that are similar to family dynamics,
these types of religious movements function as proxy
families (Robbins, 1988, p. 46). The two entities—
family and religion—enmesh such that the religious
community entirely is subject to the grooming process
as a part of the religion’s theology. When many sectarian
and cultic movements remain on the periphery of
societal norms, the tendency may be towards insularity
and non-reporting to authorities. When the community
is groomed successfully, observers of the abuse may not
even perceive any wrongdoing.
Finally, outside of the religious institution, offenders
may draw on religious rhetoric well- known to the
child as part of the grooming process. As such,
family members, neighbors, or other members of the
