International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 3 2022 24
to the term is based upon the viewer’s perspective—
adoption of Marxist ideals may be positive or negative
radicalization (Karakatsanis &Herzog, 2016). Kajsiu
(2016) elaborated on this point by showcasing Albanian
evolution in its democratic process. Over several years,
Albanians exhibited substantial shifts toward the
European Union and pro-democracy practices.
Recruitment is a process in which an individual is
typically encouraged to join a group (Jones, 2017). The
recruitment process often involves an exploitation and
exaggeration of personal issues or grievances, and the
offer of an identity or sense of belonging (Choudhury,
2007). Typically, recruitment involves a combination
of factors meant to both push and pull an individual
toward the group. Jones (2017) described the push
as being the sense of injustice, and he described the
pull as being the sense of belonging. Together, these
factors create a narrative or message a potential
recruit can get behind. Recruitment also is facilitated
by communications technology such as websites
and social media (Mahmood &Jetter, 2020). As an
example, some ISIS recruits had found camaraderie
and connection through online chat rooms and Twitter
(Juergensmeyer, 2018).
Recently, the QAnon phenomena has further illustrated
the power of social media as a recruitment tool (Langone,
2021). Langone’s research on this group demonstrates
social media’s power to capture attention and catalyze
recruits. One tweet can influence thousands without
the infrastructure or logistics previously required
by recruiters. Social media serves to assist potential
recruits in becoming believers. As Langone (2021) has
pointed out so succinctly, QAnon “may be construed as
a safe space for paranoid speculation” (p. 12).
Because the ideals of terrorism are often just a mindset
(e.g., a grievance against a certain person, organization,
country, or religion), radicalization does not necessarily
require an individual to join a group to commit an act
of terrorism or be considered a terrorist. Radicalization
can be just the process of an individual deciding to
move toward terrorist ideals (Young et al., 2015). This
distinction differs from political radicalization in
motivations, ideology, and causality.
The motivations for terrorist radicalization typically
have a perspective of victimization that turns into a
personal grievance (Young et al., 2015). Stern (2004)
outlined a reoccurring thread in terrorism grievance
narratives: humiliation. Following the American
invasion of Iraq, Al-Qaida used that war as a recruitment
tool (Stern, 2004). The Americans were humiliating
Muslims and Islamic ideals. Other grievances include
those that encourage immediate action. For example,
Juergensmeyer (2018) identified that many in ISIS
leadership believe the Islamic savior, or Mahdi, will
be coming soon hence, they must act to establish a
Caliphate.
Terrorism ideology differs because it reflects extreme
political or religious views (Chin et al., 2016). For
instance, instead of believing abortion is wrong,
a radicalized individual may believe the only way
to stop abortion would be to kill abortion doctors.
Organizational leaders often take advantage of zealous
recruits (Stern, 2004). Juergensmeyer (2018) also has
pointed out that some Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS) recruits were not idealists or true believers, but
rather individuals looking for an opportunity.
Researchers have created several theories about the
radicalization process to explain terrorist or violent
extremist behavior. Historically, radicalization methods
involved stepwise processes that are like staircases
(Moghaddam, 2005), or mechanisms across levels
(McCauley &Moskalenko, 2008). Silber and Bhatt
(2007) viewed radicalization as a four-phase process:
Pre-radicalization, Self- identification, Indoctrination,
and Jihadization. In contrast, in Challacombe’s
(2019) domestic-terrorism radicalization model, the
radicalization process is cyclic: Individuals move
through several stages but fluctuate between stronger or
weaker attractions in their shift toward radicalization.
Many people have argued that potential terrorists
are just vulnerable people, but the research is mixed.
Gill’s (2016) review of lone-actor terrorists did not
find a definitive pattern of vulnerability (or any other
characteristic) among the actors. Horgan (2014),
however, noted the potential, especially for terrorists
who come from impoverish conditions (e.g., Pakistan,
Somalia), that an escape from the poverty may be a
contributing factor. And other researchers, including
Weenink (2015), have found vulnerability to be a
commonplace characteristic in terror groups. Borum
(2011a, 2011b, 2004) identified common vulnerabilities
to the term is based upon the viewer’s perspective—
adoption of Marxist ideals may be positive or negative
radicalization (Karakatsanis &Herzog, 2016). Kajsiu
(2016) elaborated on this point by showcasing Albanian
evolution in its democratic process. Over several years,
Albanians exhibited substantial shifts toward the
European Union and pro-democracy practices.
Recruitment is a process in which an individual is
typically encouraged to join a group (Jones, 2017). The
recruitment process often involves an exploitation and
exaggeration of personal issues or grievances, and the
offer of an identity or sense of belonging (Choudhury,
2007). Typically, recruitment involves a combination
of factors meant to both push and pull an individual
toward the group. Jones (2017) described the push
as being the sense of injustice, and he described the
pull as being the sense of belonging. Together, these
factors create a narrative or message a potential
recruit can get behind. Recruitment also is facilitated
by communications technology such as websites
and social media (Mahmood &Jetter, 2020). As an
example, some ISIS recruits had found camaraderie
and connection through online chat rooms and Twitter
(Juergensmeyer, 2018).
Recently, the QAnon phenomena has further illustrated
the power of social media as a recruitment tool (Langone,
2021). Langone’s research on this group demonstrates
social media’s power to capture attention and catalyze
recruits. One tweet can influence thousands without
the infrastructure or logistics previously required
by recruiters. Social media serves to assist potential
recruits in becoming believers. As Langone (2021) has
pointed out so succinctly, QAnon “may be construed as
a safe space for paranoid speculation” (p. 12).
Because the ideals of terrorism are often just a mindset
(e.g., a grievance against a certain person, organization,
country, or religion), radicalization does not necessarily
require an individual to join a group to commit an act
of terrorism or be considered a terrorist. Radicalization
can be just the process of an individual deciding to
move toward terrorist ideals (Young et al., 2015). This
distinction differs from political radicalization in
motivations, ideology, and causality.
The motivations for terrorist radicalization typically
have a perspective of victimization that turns into a
personal grievance (Young et al., 2015). Stern (2004)
outlined a reoccurring thread in terrorism grievance
narratives: humiliation. Following the American
invasion of Iraq, Al-Qaida used that war as a recruitment
tool (Stern, 2004). The Americans were humiliating
Muslims and Islamic ideals. Other grievances include
those that encourage immediate action. For example,
Juergensmeyer (2018) identified that many in ISIS
leadership believe the Islamic savior, or Mahdi, will
be coming soon hence, they must act to establish a
Caliphate.
Terrorism ideology differs because it reflects extreme
political or religious views (Chin et al., 2016). For
instance, instead of believing abortion is wrong,
a radicalized individual may believe the only way
to stop abortion would be to kill abortion doctors.
Organizational leaders often take advantage of zealous
recruits (Stern, 2004). Juergensmeyer (2018) also has
pointed out that some Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS) recruits were not idealists or true believers, but
rather individuals looking for an opportunity.
Researchers have created several theories about the
radicalization process to explain terrorist or violent
extremist behavior. Historically, radicalization methods
involved stepwise processes that are like staircases
(Moghaddam, 2005), or mechanisms across levels
(McCauley &Moskalenko, 2008). Silber and Bhatt
(2007) viewed radicalization as a four-phase process:
Pre-radicalization, Self- identification, Indoctrination,
and Jihadization. In contrast, in Challacombe’s
(2019) domestic-terrorism radicalization model, the
radicalization process is cyclic: Individuals move
through several stages but fluctuate between stronger or
weaker attractions in their shift toward radicalization.
Many people have argued that potential terrorists
are just vulnerable people, but the research is mixed.
Gill’s (2016) review of lone-actor terrorists did not
find a definitive pattern of vulnerability (or any other
characteristic) among the actors. Horgan (2014),
however, noted the potential, especially for terrorists
who come from impoverish conditions (e.g., Pakistan,
Somalia), that an escape from the poverty may be a
contributing factor. And other researchers, including
Weenink (2015), have found vulnerability to be a
commonplace characteristic in terror groups. Borum
(2011a, 2011b, 2004) identified common vulnerabilities
