International Journal of Coercion, Abuse, and Manipulation Volume 3 2022 26
with an individual having either fixed (viz., age, sex,
class) or modifiable (e.g., media practices, times moved,
shyness) predispositions and a knowledge structure.
Then a recruiter gets involved using strategies and
tactics.
Another recruitment model, Silber and Bhatt’s
(2007) terrorism radicalization model, mirrors the
Zimbardo and Hartley (1985) model. Silber and Bhatt
(2007) described their pre-radicalization period as
a time before an individual (in this case) becomes
knowledgeable about Salafi Islam. The individual then
becomes involved (self-identification) as the result of
catalysts such as a crisis (losing a job, death of a close
family member, etc.).
Silber and Bhatt (2007) described some indicators of
individuals adopting Salafism as a) becoming alienated
from one’s former life b) joining or forming a group
of like-minded individuals c) giving up cigarettes,
drinking, gambling, and urban hip-hop gangster
clothes d) wearing traditional Islamic clothing and
growing a beard and e) becoming involved in social
activism and community issues (p. 31).
These traits parallel Diane Benscoter’s (2013) and many
other’s experiences in joining cults. With the Church of
Unification, Benscoter described a similar movement.
As a result of her trip to Des Moines to see Moon, she
described a progression of having to adhere to the
Unification Church’s rules regarding dress, dating, and
so on. This movement also tracks with Zimbardo and
Hartley’s (1985) model during their Contact Variables
stage: The purposes of the persuasion in these instances
were geared to change attitudes, modify behaviors,
alter knowledge, and the like.
In the Silber and Bhatt (2007) Indoctrination phase,
the individual accepts the religious-political worldview
of the Islamic religion. The main indicators are the
withdrawal from the mosque and politicization of new
beliefs. Techniques such as isolation are used in both
terror organizations and cults to place the recruit in
an increased vulnerable state (Rodriguez-Carballeira
et al., 2010). Banisadr (2009) also identified isolation
as the key to changing an organization— religious
or otherwise—into a cult. And the Al-Qaida recruit
manual specifically states to isolate a new recruit to
“create a more favorable environment” (Noah, 2009,
para. 6). In Zimbardo and Hartley’s (1985) model,
the individual acquiesced, complied, and affiliated
with the cult. Benscoter (2013) also described this as
she progressed through the ranks of the Unification
Church. More recently, Charlene Edge described in
detail her meteoric rise through the ranks of The Way,
eventually becoming one of the most trusted members
(Edge, 2017).
Stahelski (2005) proposed that terrorists and cults
are very similar. Stahelski described the process
for both using a five- phase conditioning model:
a) Depluralization b) Self-individuation c) Other-
deindividuation d) Dehumanization and e)
Demonization. This social-psychological conditioning
process mirrors both the Zimbardo and Hartley and the
Silber and Bhatt models. Individuals progress through
various stages that build upon each other. Eventually,
the individuals get to a point of demonization—either
believing others outside the cult are bad or believing
others outside the terror organization should be
targeted. The pathways and conclusions are similar
enough to draw parallels between the two groupings.
One of the more inclusive models that incorporates
aspects of others is Langone’s (2019b) flexible model.
Langone has noted the parallels between cults and
terror organizations, then he has outlined a process of
gradients in the move toward the conversion. His model
marries aspects of Sageman’s (2008) theory of self-
selection with other theories that suggest recruitment
is all tied to manipulation. Langone’s model suggests
there may be more than one pathway into cults or
terror organizations.
Discussion
Although the term religious cult does not generate the
same negative connotations as the word terrorism, the
reality is that both groups are similar in more ways
than not (Dole, 2006 Stein, 2017a). Recruitment for
both cults and terror organizations has many shared
aspects for example, in both, recruits willingly choose
to participate, or they are manipulated into doing so.
In cases of manipulative recruitment, cult organizations
use techniques such as isolation and brainwashing.
Terror organizations use similar techniques that
gradually encourage a recruit to go against the status
ISSN: 2710-4028 DOI: https://doi.org/10.54208/0003 27
quo. Isolation appears to be a key in both types of
recruitment (Banisadr, 2009 Davis, 2018 Kent, 2008
Rodriguez- Carballeira et al., 2010 Stein, 2017a).
Recruiters use similar social conditioning methods to
manipulate potential recruits into converts. Recently,
we have also seen more emphasis placed on recruitment
methods using social media (Langone, 2021).
When individuals are more willing to participate by
choice, then they make conscious efforts to find out
more about cults or terror organizations. Sageman
(2008) and others believe that recruits make further
choices to be part of a terror organization. Although
that may be true in some instances, the process involves
more than just self-selection (Banisadr, 2009).
Many recruitment models for both cults and terror
groups tend to follow similar gradient patterns. For
example, the Contract- Indoctrination-Conversion
model (Zimbardo &Hartley, 1985) mirrors the stages
identified in the Silber and Bhatt (2007) terrorism
model. An individual is attracted to the organization,
goes through a conversion process, and becomes
accultured in the organization (Langone, 2019b).
A number of terror organizations have religious
foundations, so the terms cults and terror organizations
often are interchangeable (Conway, 2015).
Likewise, because the recruitment process for terror
organizations is often similar to that process for cults,
terrorism researchers can benefit by gaining a better
understanding of cult- recruitment processes.
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