Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 8
Investigators have found that a relatively high percentage (25-60%) of cult members had
previously sought psychotherapeutic treatment (Clark, 1979 Galanter &Buckley, 1978 Galanter,
Rabkin, Rabkin, &Deutsch, 1979 Levine &Salter, 1976). Our first hypothesis, therefore, was
that the cult-involved group, compared to the contrast group, would more likely have sought
psychotherapy during childhood or adolescence, and would have evidenced more impaired
psychosocial functioning.
Family Relations and Patterns of Interaction
Differences between the family relations and structure of the cult-involved and noncult-involved
families were also explored. Data from families are scarce in the cult literature, but Schwartz and
Kaslow (1979, 1981) have observed that the family environment does contribute to cult
vulnerability. They note:
in some cases, seemingly exemplary parents hold out a model of perfection that their
children are unable to fulfill in other situations the [family] closeness much admired by
friends is a pseudo-mutual one (Wynne, Ryckoff, Day, &Hirsch, 1958) or an expression
of an overly enmeshed family (Minuchin, Montalvo, Guerney, Rosman, &Schumer
1967). (Schwartz &Kaslow, 1979, p. 17)
The family's ethnic identity may also contribute to vulnerability. Some investigators have
observed that a disproportionate number of cult-involved individuals are Jewish (Schwartz, 1978
Marciano, 1981). Are there familial patterns similar to those above or patterns unique to Jewish
families that account for this disproportion? Herz and Rosen (1982) observe that Jewish families,
in general, place an emphasis on the centrality of the family, intellectual and financial success,
verbal expression of feelings, and suffering as a shared value. In particular, the emphasis on
success, especially when the demand is implicit and non-specific, may be a source of vulnerability
in Jewish families. As Herz and Rosen (1982) have noted, ―...no matter how successful Jewish
children are, they never quite feel successful enough when compared to the parental and cultural
expectations they have internalized.‖ (p. 385).
In the present study, all of the participating families were Jewish, precluding a comparison with
non-Jewish families, whether cult-involved or not. An additional factor which should be kept in
mind when interpreting the data is that the contrast families were recruited from Jewish
organizations, and may have been more actively involved in the community than the average
Jewish family. Nevertheless, Jewish families share many common values which may similar
conflicts and contribute to increased vulnerability. Furthermore, the average Jewish family (Herz
&Rosen, 1982) and the average cult-involved family (Schwartz &Kaslow, 1979) appear similar
on the surface. therefore, it was difficult to predict a priori, exactly how these differences would
manifest. It is only against this common backdrop of shared cultural norms that any differences
between cult- and noncult-involved Jewish families can be interpreted.
The second hypothesis of this study, then, predicted that the cult- and noncult-involved families
would differ significantly on some family measures, the expectation being that the cult-involved
families would tend to place higher expectations on their children and be less tolerant of
expressed differences.
Pre-Cult Stress
In their review of the literature, Clark, Langone, Schecter, and Daly (1981) report that ―the
majority of cultists were dissatisfied with one or more important areas of their precult lives‖ (p.
46). This dissatisfaction may stem from purely practical problems in living (i.e., quantitatively
more stress), or may reflect a lack of resilience to the ups and downs of everyday life, i.e.,
difficulty negotiating the developmental tasks of late adolescence (Erikson, 1966). Such
difficulties may stimulate intrapsychic conflicts, which, when combined with normal stress, leave
the individual especially susceptible to cult recruitment.
Investigators have found that a relatively high percentage (25-60%) of cult members had
previously sought psychotherapeutic treatment (Clark, 1979 Galanter &Buckley, 1978 Galanter,
Rabkin, Rabkin, &Deutsch, 1979 Levine &Salter, 1976). Our first hypothesis, therefore, was
that the cult-involved group, compared to the contrast group, would more likely have sought
psychotherapy during childhood or adolescence, and would have evidenced more impaired
psychosocial functioning.
Family Relations and Patterns of Interaction
Differences between the family relations and structure of the cult-involved and noncult-involved
families were also explored. Data from families are scarce in the cult literature, but Schwartz and
Kaslow (1979, 1981) have observed that the family environment does contribute to cult
vulnerability. They note:
in some cases, seemingly exemplary parents hold out a model of perfection that their
children are unable to fulfill in other situations the [family] closeness much admired by
friends is a pseudo-mutual one (Wynne, Ryckoff, Day, &Hirsch, 1958) or an expression
of an overly enmeshed family (Minuchin, Montalvo, Guerney, Rosman, &Schumer
1967). (Schwartz &Kaslow, 1979, p. 17)
The family's ethnic identity may also contribute to vulnerability. Some investigators have
observed that a disproportionate number of cult-involved individuals are Jewish (Schwartz, 1978
Marciano, 1981). Are there familial patterns similar to those above or patterns unique to Jewish
families that account for this disproportion? Herz and Rosen (1982) observe that Jewish families,
in general, place an emphasis on the centrality of the family, intellectual and financial success,
verbal expression of feelings, and suffering as a shared value. In particular, the emphasis on
success, especially when the demand is implicit and non-specific, may be a source of vulnerability
in Jewish families. As Herz and Rosen (1982) have noted, ―...no matter how successful Jewish
children are, they never quite feel successful enough when compared to the parental and cultural
expectations they have internalized.‖ (p. 385).
In the present study, all of the participating families were Jewish, precluding a comparison with
non-Jewish families, whether cult-involved or not. An additional factor which should be kept in
mind when interpreting the data is that the contrast families were recruited from Jewish
organizations, and may have been more actively involved in the community than the average
Jewish family. Nevertheless, Jewish families share many common values which may similar
conflicts and contribute to increased vulnerability. Furthermore, the average Jewish family (Herz
&Rosen, 1982) and the average cult-involved family (Schwartz &Kaslow, 1979) appear similar
on the surface. therefore, it was difficult to predict a priori, exactly how these differences would
manifest. It is only against this common backdrop of shared cultural norms that any differences
between cult- and noncult-involved Jewish families can be interpreted.
The second hypothesis of this study, then, predicted that the cult- and noncult-involved families
would differ significantly on some family measures, the expectation being that the cult-involved
families would tend to place higher expectations on their children and be less tolerant of
expressed differences.
Pre-Cult Stress
In their review of the literature, Clark, Langone, Schecter, and Daly (1981) report that ―the
majority of cultists were dissatisfied with one or more important areas of their precult lives‖ (p.
46). This dissatisfaction may stem from purely practical problems in living (i.e., quantitatively
more stress), or may reflect a lack of resilience to the ups and downs of everyday life, i.e.,
difficulty negotiating the developmental tasks of late adolescence (Erikson, 1966). Such
difficulties may stimulate intrapsychic conflicts, which, when combined with normal stress, leave
the individual especially susceptible to cult recruitment.
